Archives for category: Colorado

Jeannie Kaplan is an elected member of the Denver school board. Denver is one of the major sites for corporate reform. Several commenters have asked about Denver’s pay-for-performance plan. I invited Kaplan to explain how it works and with what results, which she does here:

The (D)Evolution of Denver’s Pay-for-Performance Model

This is a story about what happens when a successful “pay for performance” (PFP) education model collides with Broad trained, Gates and Walton funded businessmen in an urban city school landscape. The place is Denver, Colorado. The PFP is called Professional Compensation, ProComp for short. The year of the collision is 2008. But first, some history.

Denver Public Schools was one of the first districts to address the merit pay issue. In 1999 through a collaborative effort between the district and the teachers’ union, Denver Classroom Teachers Association (DCTA), a two year pilot was put into place. It was based on meeting objectives teachers set with principals. In 2004 a Joint Task Force on Teacher Compensation was formed, leading to a vote by DCTA and the Board of Education in 2005 to ask the voters to approve a special mill levy for teacher merit pay.

In November 2005 such a vote occurred, and the measure passed 58% to 42% . A $25 million fund, adjusted for inflation, was established to be overseen by 3 representatives from DPS , 3 from DCTA, and 2 from the community. The 2005 version of ProComp was NOT a strictly PFP plan; rather it was a hybrid consisting of four components: 1) student growth based on teacher-principal decided objectives, 2) market incentives based on hard-to-serve schools determined by numbers of students receiving Free and Reduced Lunch, English Language Learners and Special Education students and hard-to-staff assignments, such as middle school math, English as a second language SpEd speech and language specialist and school psychologists. 3) knowledge and skills based on completing and implementing professional development units, and 4) professional evaluation based on five revised standards and a body of student work. This plan was a long time coming and was carefully and very collaboratively developed.

As ProComp began to be implemented, a large surplus developed because incentives were not large enough to woo teachers into hard to serve schools, and there were not enough hard to staff positions to spend all the $25 million. Something needed to happen.

2008 – The DCTA contract was up at the end of August 2008; the surplus was big; DPS had just financed and re-financed its pension for $750 million, losing hundreds of millions of dollars due to the timing and method of incurring this new debt. It was a perfect storm for then superintendent now U.S. Senator Michael Bennet and his then chief operating officer and current superintendent Tom Boasberg to demand changes in the voter-approved compensation package.

What happened next changed the original “pay for performance” hybrid methodology to a business-based bonus system. And with this the teaching profession in Denver has fundamentally changed as well. The business guys came in and negotiated as business people often do with employees: they target employees as bad guys defining them as greedy and lazy, while they, the business men, swoop in as “the saviors.” Mr. Bennet, Mr. Boasberg and their team threatened not to renew the DCTA master agreement , thus shutting down the union, and they threatened to go back to Denver’s citizens for another vote voiding the 2005 mill levy increase, thus depriving teachers of any extra compensation. The union negotiators were subjected to bullying, were forced to negotiate well into the night and early in the morning with little sleep. This resulted in a crack within the bargaining team.

DCTA was able to secure 2 minor salary increases that would be available EVERY YEAR to ALL teachers, but its victory was relatively small. And the salary caps were much lower, resulting in professional teachers relying on the once a year business bonus model. Teachers no longer have the financial security of negotiated salary increases because their once a year bonus – distributed in November – vary from year to year, are non-existing some years. Family budgeting becomes difficult. (I can hear business folks saying, “Well, no one is guaranteed a certain amount of money,” as they cash their huge end of the year bonuses. Look people, public education isn’t and shouldn’t be a business. We are talking about the education of ALL children, and we are talking about the adults serving children.) Public education is not a business

And then, of course, there is the pension issue. While bonuses are pensionable, the base salary of teachers does not increase significantly, resulting in lower overall salaries for teachers. With the current system of bonuses and very small salary increases, the amount of many teachers’ monthly pension will most likely go down. And with enough of these smaller pension eligible salaries and with enough teachers ultimately deciding not to teach for as many years, DPS retirement payouts may also decline. Get the picture?

All new DPS must participate in ProComp, yet charter schools, an ever-growing and important component in the DPS “portfolio of schools,” are NOT subject to this pay model. Each charter establishes its own pay scale. This is important to note because Denver now has 40+ charter schools out of over 150 total schools.

So while Denver Public Schools talks about the importance of its three “R’s” – recruiting, rewarding and retaining excellent teachers, the fourth “R”, results of its actions have added to the overall change in the profession. Recruitment is often focusing on short term teachers from programs such as Teach for America, rewarding teachers has been transformed to one time bonuses, and retaining the best is still open for debate. Have some teachers benefitted from what I will call Act II of ProComp? Absolutely. Those in hard-to-serve schools filling hard-to staff positions have seen the most benefits. But for the vast majority of teachers in Denver Public Schools, the change in ProComp has not provided a stable and permanent salary increase, and the initial wishes of Denver’s voters has been significantly altered.

Act I of this PFP experiment showed great promise. Did it need to be tweaked? Yes, but with the history of experimentation and collaboration behind it winning solutions could most probably have been found. Act II has been constructed on a business model centered on competition and bonuses. Has it been successful? Well, the money is being paid out and that is a good thing for sure. But the teaching profession is changing profoundly in Denver. As Act III opens, Denver Public Schools and its PFP prototype will have some new challenges, for Colorado has passed legislation mandating new teacher evaluations, 50% of which is based on student performance. How will that fit in with the already established PFP? Denver anxiously awaits how this will play out.

Two days ago, the New York Daily News published a beautiful tribute to the heroes of Sandy Hook, both the dead and the living. The newspaper called them its Heroes of the Year. The editorial was written with such eloquence and feeling that it brought me to tears.

I admit I was surprised by this editorial because the Daily News is known for its stridently anti-teacher, anti-union editorializing. (On the other hand, its reporters are unfailingly fair, and the newspaper publishes the amazing Juan Gonzalez, whose column has exposed numerous scandals.)

Today, the New York Daily News resumes its regular flaying of teachers and their union with one of the world’s dumbest opinion pieces. This one was written by a teacher who belongs to Educators4Excellence. She says she moved from Denver, where test scores count for 50% of educators’ evaluations, to NYC because of the Big Apple’s reputation for innovation. The Colorado law was written by a young state senator who is an alumnus of Teach for America.

Based on this teacher’s opinion piece, we may safely assume that Denver was not innovative enough to keep her there nor was the lure of its fabulous teacher evaluation program.

She says that she really, really wants to be a better teacher but she can’t be unless she is evaluated by her students’ test scores. Does she not know her students’ test scores now? This is puzzling indeed.

Please, someone, send this young woman the report by the National Academy of Education and the American Educational Research Association on the inaccuracy of value-added assessment. Or the statement by leading researchers published by the Economic Policy Institute.

For the uninformed, here are a few details about Educators4Excellence. The organization is two years old. In its first year, it had grants and contributions of $339,031.00. That’s pretty amazing for a start-up.

Even more amazing, E4E had receipts last year of $1,926,028. About one-quarter of the total came from the Gates Foundation.

I wish E4E would share its secrets about how a small group of teachers raised nearly $2.4 million in only two years. Inquiring minds want to know. Think what we could do to support public education if we had their fundraising secrets.

Its mission seems to be to demonstrate–in testimony before legislative bodies, advertisements, and opinion pieces like this one–that teachers want to be evaluated by test scores, and they don’t want tenure. And above all, don’t pay any attention to experienced teachers. Listen to the kids who have taught for a few months or a few years. They know best.

Joanne Barkan has written an excellent summary of how public education fared in the recent elections.

Barkan knows how to follow the money. Her article “Got Dough?” showed the influence of the billionaires on education policy.

She begins her analysis of the 2012 elections with this overview of Barack Obama’s embrace of GOP education dogma:

“Barack Obama’s K-12 “reform” policies have brought misery to public schools across the country: more standardized testing, faulty evaluations for teachers based on student test scores, more public schools shut down rather than improved, more privately managed and for-profit charter schools soaking up tax dollars but providing little improvement, more money wasted on unproven computer-based instruction, and more opportunities for private foundations to steer public policy. Obama’s agenda has also fortified a crazy-quilt political coalition on education that stretches from centrist ed-reform functionaries to conservatives aiming to undermine unions and privatize public schools to right-wingers seeking tax dollars for religious charters. Mitt Romney’s education program was worse in only one significant way: Romney also supported vouchers that allow parents to take their per-child public-education funding to private schools, including religious schools.”

Barkan’s analysis shows significant wins for supporters of public education–the upset of uber-reformer Tony Bennett in Indiana, the repeal of the Luna laws in Idaho, and the passage of a tax increase in California–and some significant losses–the passage of charter initiatives in Georgia and Washington State.

The interesting common thread in many of the key elections was the deluge of big money to advance the anti-public education agenda.

Even more interesting is how few people put up the big money. If Barkan were to collate a list of those who contributed $10,000 or more to these campaigns, the number of people on the list would be very small, maybe a few hundred. If the list were restricted to $20,000 or more, it would very likely be fewer than 50 people, maybe less.

This tiny number of moguls is buying education policy in state after state. How many have their own children in the schools they seek to control? Probably none.

The good news is that they don’t win every time. The bad news is that their money is sometimes sufficient to overwhelm democratic control of public education.

David Sirota, an author and talk-show host, here analyzes the election results and says they exposed the Big Lie of the corporate reform movement.

The public is not hankering to privatize their public schools.

The corporate leaders and rightwing establishment dropped millions of dollars to push their agenda of privatization, teacher-bashing and anti-unionism. They lost some major contests.

I will be posting more about some important local races they lost.

We have to do two things to beat them: get the word out to the public about who they are and what they want (read Sirota).

Two: never lose hope.

Those who fight to defend the commons against corporate raiders are on the right side of history.

Nothing they demand is right for children, nor does it improve education.

Stand for Choldren endorsed five Republican candidates in Colorado, and all five lost!

A friend in Denver reports:

“In addition to going for Obama tonight, Colorado stood up to Stand for Children. All 5 Democratic candidates where SFC supported Republican opponents won, albeit one by 115 votes.

“Maybe they have overstepped their “power.” And earlier in the day I heard the Colorado Executive Director of said organization resigned.

“Now back to getting public education back.”

Long ago there was an organization called Stand for Children that advocated for children and their public schools. Unfortunately, the organization jumped on the money train and joined the corporate reform movement. Now it is flush with cash. It still pretends to care about children but it uses its clout to strip teachers of any rights and to advocate for privatization. It is anti-teacher, anti-union, and anti-public education. Some of its former supporters now refer to the organization as Stand on Children.

In Colorado, where there is a heated contest for control of the Legislature, Stand on Children removed the mask. It has endorsed five Republicans who support privatization. Corporate money is bolstering the GOP campaigns, along with Stand on Children and Wall Street hedge fund groups devoted to privatization of Colorado’s public schools.

If you live in Colorado, please support these five Democrats:

Evie Hudak (SD 19)
Andy Kerr (SD 22)
Daniel Kagan (HD 3)
Brittany Petterson (HD 28)
Max Tyler (HD 23)

Public education advocates also urge a NO vote on Bond 3B, which allocates disproportionate funding to charter schools while neglecting the needs of students who are poor, black, and Hispanic and attending overcrowded schools.

Opponents of the bond say:

• A zip code shouldn’t determine the quality of a child’s education. This bond reinforces that race and class still largely determine which children are prioritized depending on where they live.
• Though SW Denver’s low-income children have suffered years of chronic overcrowding, there is little money allocated through the bond to address the needs of the 12 SW Denver schools which are over 100% capacity.
• Lincoln High School will remain overcrowded. Lincoln is the only high school designated by the district for English Language Learners. Many students must travel from throughout the district to attend this program.
• Charter schools will get millions of taxpayer dollars at the expense of neighborhood schools. Nearly 40% of non- technology monies will go to select charter schools. Of the $119M for new facility capacity, $80.6M will go to charter schools directly or through co-locations.
• Nearly $40 million or 32% of the new facility bond funds will go to Stapleton even though there is space in nearby schools. Manual High (4.4 miles from central Stapleton) and George Washington High (4.9 miles) have a combined 1500 open seats, and Smiley Middle School (2 miles) has 381 open seats. The planned location of the proposed Stapleton high school, at 56th and Spruce St, is 3.8 miles from central Stapleton.
• The amount to build a Stapleton high school is more than all bond monies allocated for the high schools of East, George Washington, North, South, Kennedy, Lincoln and TJ combined.

It’s happening in local school board races around the nation.

Out-of-state money is pouring in to capture seats on local school boards.

The money comes from billionaires like Michael Bloomberg and Reed Hastings, owner of Netflix, and Alice Walton of the Walmart family. They fund candidates who support privatization of public education. Their resources overwhelm local candidates.

The first high-profile race to attract big money was last year in Denver, when large amounts of money arrived from businessmen with no previous interest in school board races, targeted to defeat Emily Sirota, a Denver mom. Sirota threatened control by hard-line privatizers.

Earlier this year, millions of dollars were spent by out-of-state donors to hand control of the Louisiana state school board to Governor Jindal, so he could pursue his privatization plans.

In Washington State, the charter referendum is financed by a handful of billionaires, some local, like Bill Gates, some not, like Alice Walton of Arkansas.

In Georgia, the charter referendum is funded almost entirely by out-of-state donors like Walton of Arkansas.

Now in little Los Altos, California, out-of-state money is targeting a charter school critic with negative ads. The school board member had raised questions about a charter school serving some of the wealthiest residents of the district.

The privatization movement may not have a popular base, but it is adept at marshaling big money to buy support and elections. The only way to stop them is to build an informed public.

EduShyster is always on the lookout for the leading lights of “reform.”

Is Douglas County, Colorado, the one?

Break open a box of wine and enjoy.

I learned yesterday that the Colorado Department of Education has hired the ubiquitous firm Alvarez & Marsal to investigate a cheating scandal in Denver (http://www.ednewscolorado.org/2012/05/15/38261-state-investigating-two-denver-schools).

Alvarez & Marsal has no experience in investigating cheating scandals. The firm is a business consulting firm in New York City. It was hired a few weeks ago to investigate the Michelle Rhee cheating scandal in Washington, D.C. (by Rhee’s former deputy), but that investigation has not yet occurred. That scarcely constitutes expertise in this field.

A&M was hired to run the St. Louis schools several years ago. They sent in one of their principals, former CEO of Brooks Brothers clothing store, to run the district. After collecting $5 million, A&M departed and the district sank further into despair and was taken over by the state. A&M also did some consulting in New Orleans, which was awash in money for consultants.

Then A&M got a $16 million contract to rearrange the bus schedules in New York City. In its most memorable day, the firm was responsible for stranding thousands of children on street corners on the coldest day of the year. What New Yorkers remember best about A&M was that it charged the city $500 per hour for the work of its executives. Read that again, slowly. $500 an hour, not a day. The city’s Department of Education never apologized, and no one was ever held accountable for the fiasco. But as we now know, only teachers are held accountable, never the leaders of the school system or their highly paid advisors.

We will watch with interest to see what comes of A&M’s new role as the investigator of cheating on tests.

Diane