Archives for category: Teacher Tenure

Whitney Tilson is one of the founders of Democrats for Education Reform. He is a hedge fund manager. He is on the board of KIPP. He helped to launch Teach for America. He is not a likely ally for me. But he is a very intelligent and forthright person. When he lambasted the for-profit virtual charter chain for the inferior education it provides, he sent me his comments, and I applauded him. More recently, we have exchanged emails about the abominable bathroom bill in North Carolina, which he opposes as I do. I have never met Whitney, but our emails have been very cordial, so I consider him a gentleman (no matter what he has written about me on his blog). He was gentleman enough to suggest that we exchange views, and he initiated the dialogue by sending me a list of statements that represent what he believes. I responded, closing out the conversation after midnight last night. It seems that Whitney never sleeps, as he posted the exchange immediately this morning. He has promised to write a response to my comments. When he does, I will post them too. I must say that I was very impressed by his willingness to state that charter schools should be expected to accept the full range of children, not just those who are likely to get high scores. That is a big step forward, and I hope that his views resonate. I also hope that this exchange is widely read. My only regret is that I neglected to thank him for initiating it. It was a bold step and I welcome the opportunity to identify the areas where are in agreement and the areas where he disagree.

 

 

 

This is the post that Whitney Tilson sent out this morning (his words are in italics, mine are in caps):

 

 

 

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STOP THE PRESSES!!!

 

 

I’ve had a lot of interesting conversations in my life – and this ongoing one with Diane Ravitch certainly ranks up there.

 

 

If I recall correctly, we first exchanged emails a few years ago when I send her my presentation about K12, the awful for-profit online charter school operator. I knew we’d have common ground there, as she’d also exposed K12’s misdeeds in her book, Reign of Error.

 

 

I reached out to her again recently because I knew we’d have common views on North Carolina’s hateful HB2 law (in fact, we’ve both now published articles in the Huffington Post on this; here’s mine: An Open Letter to a North Carolina State Legislator; and here’s hers: That Dumb Bathroom Bill in North Carolina).

 

 

Our common views got me thinking: how is it that two well-informed people can agree on so much in almost all areas, yet apparently disagree on so much in one area (ed reform)? Is it possible that we agree on more than we think?

 

 

So I sent her the email below, in which I wrote 24 statements about which I thought we might agree, and asked if she’d reply, in the hopes that we might both learn something, find more areas of agreement where we could work together, and, in general, try to tone things down.

 

 

She was kind enough to reply, so I have included her comments (in ALL CAPS), interspersed and at the end of my original email (shared with her permission of course).

 

 

Overall, I was heartened to see how many things we agree on.

 

 

That said, we still disagree on many things, about which I will respond in due time. But in the interests of keeping this email to a manageable length, I’ll let her have the last word here – but not the final word, as we’ve both committed to continuing (and sharing) our ongoing discussion.

 

 

In the meantime, I hope you’ll find our initial exchange as interesting and illuminating as I did.

 
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Hi Diane,

 

 

You know, despite our disagreements on ed reform, I’d bet we agree on 95% of everything else. I’m certain that we agree that the Republican party has been hijacked by extremists, Trump is a madman, Cruz is terrifying, and there’s nothing more important than getting a Democrat elected president in November (and, ideally, retaking the Senate and maybe even the House as well).

 

WE AGREE.

 

I’ll admit that this creates quite a dilemma for me: I want the teachers unions, which remain the single most powerful interest group supporting the Democratic party, to be strong to help as many Democratic candidates as possible win. But when it comes to my desire to implement the reforms I think our educational system needs, I usually want them to be weak.

 

I DISAGREE.

 

I WANT THE TEACHERS’ UNIONS TO BE STRONG SO THEY CAN DEFEND THEIR MEMBERS AGAINST UNFAIR PRACTICES AND PROTECT THEIR ACADEMIC FREEDOM. TEACHERS HAVE BEEN BLAMED FOR THE ILLS OF SOCIETY, MOST ESPECIALLY, POVERTY. TODAY’S REFORMERS HAVE CREATED THE MYTH THAT GREAT TEACHERS–AS DEFINED BY THEIR STUDENTS’ TEST SCORES– CAN OVERCOME POVERTY AND CLOSE THE ACHIEVEMENT GAPS AMONG DIFFERENT GROUPS OF STUDENTS. I WISH IT WERE TRUE, BUT IT IS NOT. THE MYTH ENCOURAGES LAWMAKERS TO BELIEVE THAT WHEREVER POVERTY PERSISTS OR TEST SCORES ARE LOW OR ACHIEVEMENT GAPS REMAIN, IT MUST BE THE TEACHERS’ FAULT.

 

RACE TO THE TOP REQUIRED STATES TO EVALUATE TEACHERS TO A SIGNIFICANT DEGREE BY THEIR STUDENTS’ TEST SCORES, WHICH WAS A HUGE MISTAKE THAT HAS COST STATES AND DISTRICTS HUNDREDS OF MILLIONS OF DOLLARS BUT HASN’T WORKED ANYWHERE. THIS METHOD HAS PROVED UNSTABLE AND INACCURATE; IT REFLECTS WHO IS IN THE CLASS, NOT TEACHER QUALITY.

 

SCORES ON STANDARDIZED TESTS ARE HIGHLY CORRELATED WITH FAMILY INCOME, OVER WHICH TEACHERS HAVE NO CONTROL. IN THE PAST FEW YEARS, SOME STATES HAVE ELIMINATED COLLECTIVE BARGAINING, AND THERE IS NO CORRELATION BETWEEN THE EXISTENCE OF A UNION AND STUDENTS’ ACADEMIC SUCCESS. IN FACT, THE HIGHEST-PERFORMING STATES ON THE NATIONAL ASSESSMENT OF EDUCATION PROGRESS–MASSACHUSETTS, CONNECTICUT, AND NEW JERSEY–ARE MORE LIKELY TO HAVE UNIONS THAN THE LOWEST PERFORMING STATES, WHERE UNIONS ARE WEAK OR BANNED.

 

SOME STATES HAVE ENACTED MERIT PAY PROGRAMS, WHICH HAVE NEVER IMPROVED EDUCATION OR EVEN TEST SCORES DESPITE NUMEROUS EXPERIMENTS. THERE HAVE BEEN NUMEROUS ASSAULTS IN LEGISLATURES AND IN THE COURTS ON DUE PROCESS (CALLED “TENURE”) AND ON PAY INCREASES FOR ADDITIONAL EDUCATION AND EXPERIENCE. I HAVE OFTEN HEARD TEACHERS SAY THAT THEY BECAME TEACHERS KNOWING THEY WOULD NEVER BECOME RICH, BUT AT LEAST THEY WOULD HAVE A SECURE JOB. TAKE THAT AWAY AND TEACHERS SERVE AT THE WHIM OF ADMINISTRATORS WHO MAY OR MAY NOT BE SKILLED EDUCATORS. HOW WILL IT IMPROVE EDUCATION IF TEACHERS HAVE NO JOB SECURITY, LESS EDUCATION AND LESS EXPERIENCE?

 

SOMETIMES IT SEEMS LIKE THE BOYS IN THE BACKROOM ARE SPENDING THEIR TIME TRYING TO FIGURE OUT HOW TO CRUSH TEACHERS’ MORALE AND FREEZE THEIR PAY. THE CONSEQUENCES OF THESE ANTI-TEACHER PUBLIC POLICIES HAVE BEEN UGLY. TEACHERS ACROSS THE NATION FEEL THEMSELVES TO BE THE TARGETS OF A WITCH-HUNT. MANY TEACHERS HAVE TAKEN EARLY RETIREMENT, AND THE NUMBERS OF PEOPLE ENTERING TEACHING HAS PLUMMETED. EVEN TEACH FOR AMERICA HAS SEEN A 35% DECLINE IN THE NUMBER OF APPLICANTS IN JUST THE PAST THREE YEARS. THE ATTACKS ON TEACHERS HAVE TAKEN THEIR TOLL, AND THERE ARE NOW SHORTAGES ACROSS THE NATION.

 

I BELIEVE UNIONS ARE NECESSARY, NOT ONLY IN TEACHING, BUT IN OTHER LINES OF WORK AS WELL, TO PROTECT THE RIGHTS OF WORKING PEOPLE, TO MAKE SURE THEY ARE NOT EXPLOITED AND TO ASSURE THEY ARE TREATED FAIRLY. UNIONS ARE BY NO MEANS PERFECT AS THEY ARE; SOME ARE TOO BUREAUCRATIC AND SELF-SATISFIED, SOME ARE TOO COMPLACENT TO FIGHT FOR THEIR MEMBERS, SOME STIFLE ANY CHANGES. BUT, IN MY VIEW, UNIONS BUILT THE MIDDLE CLASS IN THIS COUNTRY. WE ARE LOSING OUR STRONG, STABLE MIDDLE CLASS AS THE PRIVATE AND PUBLIC SECTORS ELIMINATE UNIONS. INCOME INEQUALITY IS WIDENING AS UNIONS SHRIVEL. IN EDUCATION, UNIONS ARE ESPECIALLY IMPORTANT TO MAKE SURE THAT TEACHERS ARE FREE TO TEACH CONTROVERSIAL SUBJECTS, LIKE EVOLUTION, GLOBAL WARMING, AND CONTESTED BOOKS (YOU WOULD BE SURPRISED HOW MANY CLASSIC BOOKS, LIKE “HUCKLEBERRY FINN,” “INVISIBLE MAN,” AND “OF MICE AND MEN” ARE ON THE AMERICAN LIBRARY ASSOCIATION’S LIST OF THE 100 MOST FREQUENTLY BANNED BOOKS).

 

DO UNIONS PROTECT “BAD” TEACHERS? YES, THEY DO. ONE CAN’T KNOW WHO IS “BAD” IN THE ABSENCE OF DUE PROCESS. A TEACHER MAY BE FALSELY ACCUSED OR THE ADMINISTRATOR MAY HARBOR A DISLIKE FOR HER RACE, HER RELIGION, HER SEXUAL ORIENTATION, OR HER PEDAGOGICAL BELIEFS. THOSE WHO WISH TO FIRE THEM AFTER THEIR PROBATIONARY PERIOD (WHICH MAY BE AS LITTLE AS TWO YEARS OR AS MANY AS FIVE YEARS–AND IN MANY STATES, TEACHERS DO NOT HAVE DUE PROCESS OR TENURE) MUST PRESENT EVIDENCE THAT THEY ARE BAD TEACHERS OR THAT THEY DID SOMETHING THAT MERITS THEIR REMOVAL. PROBATIONARY TEACHERS HAVE NO RIGHT TO DUE PROCESS. TEACHERS HAVE SOMETIMES BEEN FALSELY ACCUSED. TEACHERS SHOULD BE ABLE TO CONFRONT THEIR ACCUSERS, TO SEE THE EVIDENCE, AND TO BE JUDGED BY AN INDEPENDENT ARBITRATOR. IF BAD TEACHERS GET TENURE, THEN BLAME BAD OR LAZY ADMINISTRATORS. THE RIGHT TO DUE PROCESS MUST BE EARNED BY PERFORMANCE IN THE CLASSROOM AND SHOULD NOT BE AWARDED WITHOUT CAREFUL DELIBERATION BY THE ADMINISTRATOR.

 

GIVEN THE FACT THAT A LARGE PERCENTAGE–AS MUCH AS 40%, EVEN MORE IN URBAN DISTRICTS–LEAVE TEACHING WITHIN THEIR FIRST FIVE YEARS, OUR BIGGEST PROBLEM IS RETAINING GOOD TEACHERS, NOT GETTING RID OF BAD ONES. BAD ONES SHOULD BE PROMPTLY REMOVED IN THEIR FIRST OR SECOND YEAR OF TEACHING. W. EDWARDS DEMING, WRITING ABOUT THE MODERN CORPORATION, SAID THAT A GOOD COMPANY HIRES CAREFULLY AND THEN HELPS ITS EMPLOYEES SUCCEED ON THE JOB. IT INVESTS IN SUPPORT AND TRAINING. IT MAKES A CONSCIENTIOUS EFFORT TO RETAIN THE PEOPLE IT HIRED. WHY DON’T WE DO THE SAME WITH TEACHERS AND STOP BLAMING THEM FOR CONDITIONS BEYOND THEIR CONTROL?

 

This dilemma isn’t new – in fact, it’s one of the reasons I helped start Democrats for Education Reform: because I wasn’t comfortable joining forces with other reform-oriented organizations that existed at the time (roughly a decade ago), which were mostly funded, supported and run by Republicans with whom I shared almost no views in common other than in the area of ed reform (and even in that area, I disagreed with their union busting and overemphasis on vouchers).

 

I SERVED AS ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF EDUCATION FOR RESEARCH IN THE ADMINISTRATION OF GEORGE H.W. BUSH, BUT REALIZED OVER TIME THAT I DID NOT AGREE WITH THE REPUBLICAN APPROACH TO EDUCATION, NAMELY, COMPETITION, SCHOOL CHOICE, TESTING, AND ACCOUNTABILITY. IT IS IRONIC THAT THE OBAMA ADMINISTRATION ADOPTED THE SAME POLICIES AS THE REPUBLICANS, WITH THE SOLE EXCEPTION OF VOUCHERS. THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY USED TO HAVE A CORE SET OF EDUCATIONAL PRINCIPLES AT THE FEDERAL AND STATE LEVELS: EQUITY OF RESOURCES, EXTRA SUPPORT FOR THE NEEDIEST STUDENTS, LOW COLLEGE TUITION TO INCREASE ACCESS, VIGOROUS ENFORCEMENT OF CIVIL RIGHTS LAWS, AND SUPPORT FOR TEACHER PREPARATION. THAT APPROACH COMES CLOSEST TO PROVIDING EQUALITY OF EDUCATIONAL OPPORTUNITY.

 

I OPPOSE THE REPUBLICAN APPROACH TO EDUCATION POLICY FOR THE FOLLOWING REASONS:

 

A) THEY DON’T SUPPORT PUBLIC EDUCATION AT ALL; EVERY ONE OF THEIR PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES HAS ENDORSED SOME FORM OF PRIVATIZATION AND SAID NOTHING AT ALL ABOUT THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS THAT ENROLL 90% OF OUR STUDENTS.

 

B) THEY WOULD BE THRILLED TO ELIMINATE ALL UNIONS; THEY DON’T CARE ABOUT PEOPLE WHO ARE POOR OR STRUGGLING TO GET INTO THE MIDDLE CLASS OR TO STAY IN THE MIDDLE CLASS.

 

C) THE REPUBLICANS HAVE SWALLOWED THE FREE MARKET APPROACH TO SCHOOLING HOOK, LINE, AND SINKER, AS A MATTER OF IDEOLOGY, NOT EVIDENCE. I DON’T BELIEVE IN VOUCHERS, BECAUSE I KNOW THAT VOUCHERS HAVE NOT WORKED IN CHILE AND SWEDEN, AND THEY HAVE NOT WORKED IN THIS COUNTRY EITHER. MANY STATES HAVE ADOPTED VOUCHERS, THOUGH USUALLY CALLING THEM SOMETHING ELSE (EDUCATION SAVINGS ACCOUNT, EDUCATION TAX CREDITS, OPPORTUNITY SCHOLARSHIPS, ETC.). MOST ARE USED TO SEND CHILDREN TO RELIGIOUS SCHOOLS, MANY OF WHICH HAVE UNCERTIFIED TEACHERS, INADEQUATE CURRICULA, AND NO ACCOUNTABILITY AT ALL. FURTHERMORE, THE RELIGIOUS SCHOOLS RECEIVING VOUCHERS USUALLY TEACH CREATIONISM AND OTHER RELIGIOUS BELIEFS. I DON’T THINK PUBLIC MONEY SHOULD SUBSIDIZE RELIGIOUS SCHOOLS. VOUCHERS HAVE NEVER WON A PUBLIC REFERENDUM, BUT REPUBLICAN LEGISLATURES KEEP DEVISING WAYS TO GET AROUND THEIR OWN STATE CONSTITUTIONS.

 

The creation of DFER helped resolve this dilemma because I could fight against union policies when I felt they weren’t in the best interests of kids, without fighting against the principle of collective bargaining, which I believe in. And I could happily limit my political donations to supporting only Democrats (reform-oriented ones, of course, like Obama, Cory Booker and Michael Bennet).

 

WHAT OBAMA, CORY BOOKER, MICHAEL BENNETT AND OTHER CORPORATE-STYLE REFORMERS HAVE IN COMMON IS THAT THEY BELIEVE IN BREAKING UP PUBLIC EDUCATION AND REPLACING IT WITH PRIVATE MANAGEMENT. THEY BELIEVE IN CLOSING SCHOOLS WHERE TESTS SCORES ARE LOW. I DON’T. THE HIGHEST PERFORMING NATIONS IN THE WORLD HAVE STRONG, EQUITABLE PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEMS WITH RESPECTED, WELL PREPARED, AND EXPERIENCED TEACHERS. THEY HAVE WRAP-AROUND SERVICES TO MAKE SURE THAT ALL CHILDREN COME TO SCHOOL HEALTHY AND READY TO LEARN. THEY DON’T TEST EVERY CHILD EVERY YEAR FROM GRADES 3-8 AS WE DO. THEY DON’T HAVE VOUCHERS OR PRIVATELY MANAGED CHARTERS.

 

So why am I feeling this dilemma again right now? Because the stakes are so high: our country is politically polarized, the Republican party is spiraling out of control, mostly likely nominating either a madman or extremist, and there’s an opportunity for we Democrats to not only win the presidency, but also take back Congress. The election in November will have an enormous impact on so many critical issues that hang in the balance: a majority in the Supreme Court, income inequality, healthcare, immigration, foreign policy/our relationships with the rest of the world, environmental issues/global warming, LGBT and women’s rights…the list goes on and on.

 

I CERTAINLY AGREE. THE REPUBLICAN PARTY HAS LOST ITS BEARINGS, AND ITS CANDIDATE IS LIKELY TO BE SOMEONE ABHORRED BY ITS LEADERSHIP.

 

As such, I’m going to be extra careful in my writings, when I’m critical of the unions, to make clear that these are policy differences and that I don’t support attempts to demolish unions altogether, whether in the education sector or elsewhere.

 

Writing about things I think we agree on outside of ed reform has gotten me thinking: what might we agree on within the area of ed reform?

As one of my mentors, Charlie Munger, always says: “Invert, always invert.”

So I have tried to compile a list of statements that I believe that I think you might agree with as well. I’m not trying to change your mind about anything or put words in your mouth – I’m genuinely trying to find areas of agreement, at least on general principles (the devil’s usually in the details of course, but a good starting point is agreeing at a high level):

 

• Every child in this country has the right to attend a safe school that provides a quality education.
WE AGREE.

 

• The color of a child’s skin and his/her zip code shouldn’t determine the quality of school he/she attends.
WE AGREE.

 

• Poor parents care deeply about ensuring that their children get a good education.

 
WE AGREE.

 

• Sometimes the closest neighborhood school isn’t right for a child, so parents should have at least some options in choosing what public school is best for their children.

 
I PAUSE HERE, BECAUSE THIS IS MOVING INTO SCHOOL CHOICE TERRITORY, WHERE REPUBLICANS HAVE SOLD THE IDEA THAT PARENTS SHOULD CHOOSE THE SCHOOL AS A MATTER OF CONSUMER CHOICE (JEB BUSH COMPARED CHOOSING A SCHOOL TO CHOOSING WHAT KIND OF MILK YOU WANT TO DRINK–FAT-FREE, 1%, 2%, WHOLE MILK, CHOCOLATE MILK, OR BUTTERMILK). UNFORTUNATELY, MANY CHOICE IDEOLOGUES TAKE THIS ARGUMENT TO ITS LOGICAL CONCLUSION AND PURSUE AN ALL-CHOICE POLICY, IN WHICH THE ONE CHOICE THAT IS NO LONGER AVAILABLE IS THE NEIGHBORHOOD SCHOOL. THAT IS THE CASE IN NEW ORLEANS. IT OFTEN SEEMS THAT REFORMERS–LIKE REPUBLICANS–CONSIDER PUBLIC SCHOOLS TO BE OBSOLETE AND WANT TO REPLACE THEM WITH AN ALL-PRIVATIZED DISTRICT.

 

• It is not the case that too many children are failing too many of our schools; rather, the reverse is true.

 
I DON’T AGREE. I WOULD SAY OUR SOCIETY IS FAILING OUR CHILDREN AND THEIR FAMILIES BY ALLOWING SO MANY OF THEM TO LIVE IN POVERTY. WE HAVE THE HIGHEST PROPORTION OF CHILDREN LIVING IN POVERTY OF THE WORLD’S ADVANCED NATIONS–ABOUT 22%. THAT IS SHAMEFUL, THE SCHOOLS DIDN’T CAUSE IT. AS I SAID BEFORE, FAMILY INCOME IS THE BEST PREDICTOR OF STANDARDIZED TEST SCORES; THAT IS TRUE OF EVERY STANDARDIZED TEST, WHETHER IT IS THE SAT, THE ACT, THE STATE TESTS, NATIONAL TESTS OR INTERNATIONAL TESTS. IF POVERTY IS DIRECTLY RELATED TO LOW ACADEMIC PERFORMANCE, THEN TARGET POVERTY AND PURSUE PUBLIC POLICIES THAT WILL IMPROVE THE LIVES OF CHILDREN, FAMILIES AND COMMUNITIES. AT THE SAME TIME, WORK TO IMPROVE SCHOOLS, NOT TO CLOSE THEM. THERE IS NOW A CONSIDERABLE AMOUNT OF RESEARCH SHOWING THAT STATE TAKEOVERS SELDOM IMPROVE SCHOOLS; THAT CHARTERS PERFORM ON AVERAGE ABOUT THE SAME AS PUBLIC SCHOOLS; THAT VOUCHER SCHOOLS ON AVERAGE PERFORM WORSE THAN PUBLIC SCHOOLS; THAT THE CHARTERS THAT GET THE HIGHEST TEST SCORES EXCLUDE OR REMOVE STUDENTS WITH DISABILITIES, STUDENTS WHO DON’T READ ENGLISH, AND STUDENTS WHO GET LOW TEST SCORES.

 

• Poverty and its effects have an enormous impact, in countless ways, on a child’s ability to learn.

 
WE AGREE. THE CHILD WHO IS HOMELESS, WHO LACKS MEDICAL CARE, WHO IS HUNGRY IS LIKELY NOT TO FOCUS ON HIS OR HER STUDIES AND IS LIKELY TO BE FREQUENTLY ABSENT BECAUSE OF ILLNESS OR CARING FOR A SIBLING. IT REALLY HURTS CHILDREN WHEN THE BASIC NECESSITIES OF LIFE ARE MISSING.

 

• If one had to choose between fixing all schools or fixing everything else outside of schools that affects the ability of children to learn (poverty, homelessness, violence, broken families, lack of healthcare, whether parents regularly speak and read to children, etc.), one would choose the latter in a heartbeat.

 
I CERTAINLY AGREE BECAUSE REDUCING POVERTY AND ITS ILL EFFECTS WOULD IMPROVE SCHOOLS AT THE SAME TIME.

 

• Schools should be rigorous, with high expectations, but also filled with joy and educators who instill a love of learning.

 
I MIGHT HAVE AGREED WITH YOU IN YEARS PAST, BUT I HAVE COME TO SEE “RIGOR” AS A LOADED WORD. IT REMINDS ME OF “RIGOR MORTIS.” I PREFER TO SAY THAT TEACHERS SHOULD TEACH ACADEMIC STUDIES WITH JOY AND ENTHUSIASM, AWAKENING STUDENTS TO THE LOVE OF LEARNING AND INSPIRING INTRINSIC MOTIVATION.

 

• Some testing is necessary but too much testing is harmful.

 
I AGREE THAT SOME TESTING IS NECESSARY. I BELIEVE BASED ON MANY YEARS OF STUDY OF STANDARDIZED TESTING THAT MOST TESTING SHOULD BE DESIGNED BY THE CLASSROOM TEACHERS, NOT BY OUTSIDE TESTING CORPORATIONS. I WOULD PREFER TO SEE MORE TIME DEVOTED TO ESSAYS, PROJECTS, AND ANY OTHER KIND OF DEMONSTRATION OF WHAT CHILDREN HAVE LEARNED OR WHAT THEY DREAM AND IMAGINE AND CREATE. STANDARDIZED TESTING SHOULD BE USED ONLY DIAGNOSTICALLY, NOT MORE THAN ONCE A YEAR, AND IT SHOULD NOT FIGURE INTO THE STUDENTS’ GRADE OR THE TEACHERS’ EVALUATION. I SAY THIS BECAUSE STANDARDIZED TESTS ARE NORMED ON A BELL CURVE; THE AFFLUENT STUDENTS CLUSTER AT THE TOP, AND THE LOW-INCOME STUDENTS CLUSTER AT THE BOTTOM. IN SHORT, THE DECK IS STACKED AGAINST THE KIDS IN THE BOTTOM HALF, BECAUSE THE TESTS BY THEIR NATURE WILL ALWAYS HAVE A BOTTOM HALF. WHY NOT HAVE TASKS THAT ALMOST EVERYONE CAN DO WELL IF THEY TRY? GIVE CHILDREN A CHANCE TO SHOW WHAT THEY CAN DO AND LET THEIR IMAGINATIONS SOAR, RATHER THAN RELYING ON THEIR CHOICE OF ONE OF FOUR PRE-DETERMINED ANSWERS.

 

I AGREE THAT TOO MUCH TESTING IS HARMFUL, AND IT IS ALSO HARMFUL TO ATTACH HIGH STAKES (LIKE PROMOTION, GRADUATION, OR TEACHER EVALUATION) TO A STANDARDIZED TEST BECAUSE IT MAKES THE TEST TOO IMPORTANT. STANDARDIZED TESTS ARE NOT SCIENTIFIC INSTRUMENTS; THEY ARE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIONS. THEY FAVOR THOSE WHO COME TO SCHOOL WITH ADVANTAGES (EDUCATED PARENTS, SECURE HOMES, BOOKS IN THE HOME, ETC.) WHEN THE TESTS ARE HIGH STAKES, THE RESULTS ARE PREDICTABLE: TEACHING TO THE TEST, NARROWING THE CURRICULUM, CHEATING. WHEN SCHOOLS AND TEACHERS WILL BE PUNISHED OR REWARDED FOR TEST SCORES, THE MEASURE ITSELF IS CORRUPTED (CAMPBELL’S LAW). IT NO LONGER MEASURES WHAT STUDENTS KNOW AND CAN DO, BUT HOW MUCH EFFORT WAS SPENT PREPARING FOR THE TEST. TEACHERS ENGAGE FOR WEEKS OR MONTHS IN TEST PREPARATION, SCHOOLS CUT BACK OR ELIMINATE THE ARTS, PHYSICAL EDUCATION, HISTORY, SCIENCE, AND WHATEVER IS NOT TESTED. TEACHERS, ADMINISTRATORS, SCHOOLS, EVEN DISTRICTS WILL CHEAT TO ASSURE THAT THEIR SCORES GO UP, NOT DOWN, TO AVOID FIRINGS AND CLOSURES AND INSTEAD TO WIN BONUSES.

 

ALL OF THIS CORRUPTS EDUCATION, AND IN THE END, THE SCORES STILL ARE A REFLECTION OF FAMILY INCOME AND OPPORTUNITY TO LEARN. AND CHILDREN HAVE A WORSE EDUCATION EVEN IF THEIR SCORES RISE BECAUSE OF THE ABSENCE OF THE ARTS AND OTHER IMPORTANT PARTS OF A SOUND EDUCATION.

 

• Tests should be thoughtful and cover genuine knowledge, not easily game-able, which too often leads to excessing teaching-to-the-test.

 
WE AGREE.

 

• Expanding high-quality pre-K, especially for poor kids, is important.

 
WE AGREE.

 

• Teachers should be celebrated, not demonized.

 
YES, ABSOLUTELY. TEACHERS HAVE ONE OF THE HARDEST, MOST CHALLENGING JOBS IN OUR SOCIETY AND THEY ARE UNDERPAID AND UNDER-RESPECTED. WHEN I WAS IN NORTH CAROLINA LAST WEEK, I WAS TOLD BY AN EDITORIAL WRITER THAT THE ENTRY PAY IS “GOOD,” AT $35,000, BUT THE TOP SALARY IS ONLY $50,000. TEACHERS SHOULD BE TREATED AS PROFESSIONALS AND EARN A PROFESSIONAL SALARY THAT ENABLES THEM TO LIVE WELL AND SEND THEIR CHILDREN TO COLLEGE.

 

• They should be paid more, both on a relative and absolute basis.

 
WE AGREE.

 

• Some teachers are phenomenal, most are good, some are mediocre, and some are truly terrible.

 
THIS SPREAD IS PROBABLY THE SAME IN EVERY OTHER PROFESSION. THOSE WHO ARE “TRULY TERRIBLE” SHOULD BE REMOVED BEFORE THEY ACHIEVE TENURE; MOST, I SUSPECT, LEAVE EARLY IN THEIR CAREER BECAUSE THEY CAN’T CONTROL THEIR CLASSES. WE ACTUALLY HAVE MANY MORE SUCCESSFUL TEACHERS THAN MOST PEOPLE BELIEVE; AS STATES HAVE REPORTED ON THEIR NEW EVALUATION SYSTEMS, MORE THAN 95% OF TEACHERS HAVE BEEN RATED EITHER “HIGHLY EFFECTIVE” OR “EFFECTIVE.” VERY FEW FELL BELOW THOSE MARKERS. FRANKLY, TEACHING THESE DAYS IS SO DIFFICULT THAT IT TAKES A VERY STRONG PERSON TO HANDLE THE RESPONSIBILITIES OF THE CLASSROOM.

 

• All teachers should be evaluated regularly, comprehensively and fairly, with the primary goal of helping them improve their craft.

 
I AGREE, ALTHOUGH I THINK THAT TEACHERS WHO RECEIVE HIGH RATINGS FROM THEIR ADMINISTRATORS AND PEERS SHOULD NOT BE REGULARLY EVALUATED. THAT IS A WASTE OF TIME THAT SHOULD BE DEVOTED TO THOSE WHO NEED HELP IN IMPROVING. THE TOP TEACHERS SHOULD BE OFFERED EXTRA PAY TO MENTOR NEW TEACHERS.

 

• The best teachers should be rewarded while struggling ones should be given help so they can improve.

 
I DON’T BELIEVE IN PERFORMANCE BONUSES. THE RESEARCH SHOWS THEM TO BE INEFFECTIVE. I AGREE THAT THOSE WHO STRUGGLE SHOULD RECEIVE HELP SO THEY CAN IMPROVE.

 

• If a teacher doesn’t improve, there needs to be a timely and fair system to get them out of the profession.

 
WE AGREE.

 

• There should be a timely process to handle disciplinary charges against teachers so that there is no need for things like rubber rooms, which are a costly and dehumanizing embarrassment.

 
WE AGREE.

 

• In fighting for the interests of teachers, unions are doing exactly what they’re supposed to – and have done it well.

 
WE AGREE.

 

• The decline of unionization (which has occurred mostly in the private sector), has been a calamity for this country and is a major contributor to soaring income inequality, which is also a grave concern.

 
WE AGREE.

 

• What Gov. Scott Walker did in Wisconsin as well as the Friedrichs case were wrong-headed attempts to gut union power, and it was wonderful that the Supreme Court left existing laws in place via its 4-4 tie in the Friedrichs case last week.
AGREED. I WOULD SAY THE SAME ABOUT THE OVERTURNING OF THE VERGARA CASE IN CALIFORNIA, WHICH THREW OUT A LOWER COURT DECISION INTENDED TO ELIMINATE DUE PROCESS FOR TEACHERS.

 

• Charter schools, like regular public schools, should: a) take their fair share of the most challenging students; b) backfill at every grade level; and c) follow comparable suspension and expulsion policies.

 
I AGREE TO AN EXTENT. IN THE PRESENT SITUATION, WHERE CHARTERS COMPETE WITH PUBLIC SCHOOLS FOR STUDENTS AND RESOURCES, I THINK THESE ARE FAIR REQUIREMENTS THAT ENSURE A LEVEL PLAYING FIELD. HOWEVER, IF WE WERE TO TAKE YOUR GOOD SUGGESTIONS, WE WOULD HAVE TWO PUBLICLY-FUNDED SCHOOL SYSTEMS, ONE MANAGED BY PUBLIC OFFICIALS, THE OTHER BY PRIVATE ENTREPRENEURS. I SEE NO REASON TO HAVE A DUAL SCHOOL SYSTEM–ONE HIGHLY REGULATED, AND THE OTHER UNREGULATED, OR AS YOU PROPOSE HERE, REGULATED TO A GREATER EXTENT THAN AT PRESENT. IF CHARTERS DO CONTINUE AS THEY NOW ARE, YOUR PROPOSAL WOULD MAKE THEM FAIRER AND LESS PREDATORY. IN THEIR CURRENT STATE, THEY ARE BANKRUPTING SCHOOL DISTRICTS AND SKIMMING OFF THE EASIEST TO EDUCATE STUDENTS, AND THAT’S NOT FAIR.

 

I WOULD LIKE TO SEE CHARTER SCHOOLS RETURN TO THE ORIGINAL IDEA PROPOSED IN 1988 BY ALBERT SHANKER AND A PROFESSOR IN MASSACHUSETTS NAMED RAY BUDDE. CHARTER SCHOOLS WERE SUPPOSED TO BE COLLABORATORS WITH PUBLIC SCHOOLS, NOT COMPETITORS. THEIR TEACHERS WOULD BELONG TO THE SAME UNION AS PUBLIC SCHOOL TEACHERS. THEY WERE SUPPOSED TO HAVE FREEDOM TO INNOVATE AND EXPECTED TO SHARE THEIR INNOVATIONS WITH THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS. AT THE END OF THEIR CHARTER–SAY, FIVE YEARS OR TEN YEARS–THEY WOULD CEASE TO EXIST AND RETURN TO THE PUBLIC SCHOOL DISTRICT. SHANKER THOUGHT THAT CHARTER SCHOOLS SHOULD EXIST FIND INNOVATIVE WAYS TO HELP THE KIDS WHO WERE NOT MAKING IT IN PUBLIC SCHOOLS, THOSE WHO HAD DROPPED OUT, THOSE WHO WERE UNMOTIVATED, THOSE WHO WERE TURNED OFF BY TRADITIONAL SCHOOLS. I SUPPORT THAT IDEA. WE HAVE STRAYED VERY FAR FROM THE ORIGINAL IDEA AND ARE MOVING TOWARDS A DUAL SCHOOL SYSTEM, ONE FREE TO CHOOSE ITS STUDENTS, THE OTHER REQUIRED TO ACCEPT ALL WHO SHOW UP AT THEIR DOORS.

 

• For-profit online charters like K12 are providing an inferior education to far too many students and thus need to be much more carefully regulated and, in many cases, simply shut down.

 
FOR-PROFIT ONLINE CHARTER SCHOOLS ARE A SCAM AND A FRAUD. THEY SHOULD BE PROHIBITED. I APPLAUDED YOUR FRANK DISSECTION OF K12 INC, WHICH SURPRISED ME BECAUSE VIRTUAL SCHOOLS GRAB ON TO THE COAT-TAILS OF THE REFORM MOVEMENT. FOR ANOTHER GREAT EXPOSE OF THE K12 VIRTUAL CHARTER CHAIN, READ JESSICA CALIFATI’S OUTSTANDING SERIES IN THE SAN JOSE MERCURY-NEWS, WHICH WAS PUBLISHED JUST DAYS AGO:

 

http://www.mercurynews.com/education/ci_29780959/k12-inc-california-virtual-academies-operator-exploits-charter

 

STUDENTS WHO ENROLL IN THESE SCHOOLS HAVE LOWER SCORES, LOWER GRADUATION RATES, AND LEARN LITTLE. A STUDY BY STANFORD UNIVERSITY’S CREDO EARLIER THIS YEAR SAID THAT THEY LEARN ESSENTIALLY NOTHING. WHY SHOULD TAXPAYERS FOOT THE BILL?

 

IN ADDITION, I WOULD LIKE TO SEE FOR-PROFIT CHARTER SCHOOLS PROHIBITED. THE PUBLIC PAYS TAXES FOR SCHOOLING AND BELIEVES THAT THE MONEY WILL BE SPENT ON EDUCATION, NOT ON PAYING A PROFIT TO INVESTORS IN A CORPORATION. THE PURPOSE OF A FOR-PROFIT CORPORATION IS TO MAKE A PROFIT; THE PURPOSE OF A PUBLIC SCHOOL IS TO PREPARE YOUNG CHILDREN TO LIVE A FULL AND SATISFYING LIFE AS CITIZENS AND MEMBERS OF THE COMMUNITY. THERE SHOULD NEVER COME A TIME WHEN SCHOOL LEADERS CHOOSE THE NEED TO SHOW A PROFIT OVER THE NEEDS OF STUDENTS. I WOULD ALSO STOP SPENDING PUBLIC MONEY ON FOR-PROFIT “COLLEGES.” THEY HAVE BEEN CHASTISED IN CONGRESSIONAL INVESTIGATIONS TIME AND AGAIN FOR THEIR PREDATORY PRACTICES, BUT THEY ALWAYS MANAGE TO SURVIVE, THANKS TO SKILLFUL, BIPARTISAN LOBBYING. I RECOMMEND A NEW BOOK BY A.J. ANGULO, TITLED “DIPLOMA MILL$: HOW FOR-PROFIT COLLEGES STIFFED STUDENTS, TAXPAYERS, AND THE AMERICAN DREAM” (JOHNS HOPKINS PRESS).

 

• Voter IDs laws are a despicable and thinly disguised attempt by Republicans to suppress the turnout of poor and minority voters, which in turn hurts schools serving their children.

 
WE AGREE.

 

So what do you think? Do you disagree with any of these statements? What have I missed? What do you believe that you think I would agree with? I think it would be productive and interesting to come up with a long of a list as possible.

 

Best regards,

 

 

Whitney
———————–

 

DEAR WHITNEY,

 
HERE ARE A FEW OF MY BELIEFS THAT YOU MAY OR MAY NOT SHARE.

 

*I BELIEVE IN SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE. PUBLIC MONEY SHOULD NOT BE SPENT FOR RELIGIOUS SCHOOL TUITION. PEOPLE SHOULD NOT BE ASKED TO SUBSIDIZE THE RELIGIOUS BELIEFS OF OTHERS. ONCE WE START ON THAT SLIPPERY SLOPE, TAXPAYERS WILL BE UNDERWRITING SCHOOLS THAT TEACH CREATIONISM, WHITE SUPREMACY, FEMALE SUBJUGATION, AND OTHER IDEAS THAT VIOLATE BOTH SCIENCE AND OUR DEMOCRATIC IDEALS.

 

*I BELIEVE THAT EVERY CHILD, REGARDLESS OF ZIP CODE OR FAMILY INCOME, RACE, GENDER, DISABILITY STATUS, LANGUAGE PROFICIENCY, OR SEXUAL ORIENTATION, SHOULD BE ABLE TO ENROLL IN AN EXCELLENT SCHOOL.

 

*I BELIEVE THAT AN EXCELLENT SCHOOL HAS SMALL CLASSES, EXPERIENCED TEACHERS, A FULL CURRICULUM, A WELL-RESOURCED PROGRAM IN THE ARTS, SCIENCE LABORATORIES, AND A GYMNASIUM, SITUATED IN A WELL-MAINTAINED AND ATTRACTIVE BUILDING. STUDENTS SHOULD HAVE THE OPPORTUNITY TO STUDY HISTORY, LITERATURE, THE SCIENCES, MATHEMATICS, CIVICS, GEOGRAPHY, TECHNOLOGY, AND HAVE AMPLE TIME FOR PHYSICAL ACTIVITIES, SPORTS, AND EXERCISE. THE SCHOOL SHOULD HAVE A WELL-STOCKED LIBRARY WITH A FULL-TIME LIBRARIAN. IT SHOULD HAVE A SCHOOL NURSE, A SOCIAL WORKER, AND A PSYCHOLOGIST. THE PRINCIPAL SHOULD BE AN EXPERIENCED TEACHER, WITH THE AUTHORITY TO HIRE TEACHERS AND TO EVALUATE THEIR PERFORMANCE. TEACHER EVALUATION SHOULD BE BASED ON PEER REVIEW AND CLASSROOM PERFORMANCE, NOT ON TEST SCORES.

 

*I BELIEVE THAT THE PRIMARY PURPOSE OF PUBLIC SCHOOLS, BASED ON MY STUDIES AS A HISTORIAN OF EDUCATION, IS TO DEVELOP GOOD CITIZENS. THE MOST IMPORTANT JOB THAT CITIZENS HAVE IN OUR DEMOCRACY IS TO VOTE THOUGHTFULLY AND TO BE PREPARED TO SIT ON JURIES AND REACH WISE DECISIONS ABOUT THE FATE OF OTHERS. CITIZENS MUST BE WELL INFORMED AND KNOWLEDGEABLE. THEY SHOULD KNOW HOW TO COLLABORATE WITH OTHERS TO ACCOMPLISH GOALS. THEY SHOULD CARE ABOUT THE FAIRNESS AND FUTURE OF OUR DEMOCRACY. THEY SHOULD BE KNOWLEDGABLE ABOUT AMERICAN AND WORLD HISTORY. THEY SHOULD UNDERSTAND THE BASIC PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT, ECONOMICS, AND SCIENCE SO THEY CAN UNDERSTAND THE GREAT ISSUES OF THE DAY.

 

*I BELIEVE THAT PUBLIC EDUCATION IS ONE OF THE BASIC BUILDING BLOCKS OF OUR DEMOCRACY. AS CITIZENS, WE HAVE AN OBLIGATION TO SUPPORT A GOOD PUBLIC EDUCATION FOR ALL CHILDREN, EVEN IF WE HAVE NO CHILDREN OR IF OUR OWN CHILDREN ARE GROWN OR IF WE SEND OUR CHILDREN TO RELIGIOUS OR PRIVATE SCHOOLS.

 

*BECAUSE I BELIEVE IN THE IMPORTANCE OF PUBLIC EDUCATION, I OPPOSE ALL EFFORTS TO PRIVATIZE PUBLIC SCHOOLS OR TO MONETIZE THEM.

 

*I BELIEVE THAT THE PRIMARY RESPONSIBILITY FOR SHAPING EDUCATION POLICY SHOULD BE IN THE HANDS OF EDUCATORS, NOT POLITICIANS. EDUCATORS ARE THE EXPERTS, AND WE SHOULD LET THEM DO THEIR JOBS WITHOUT POLITICAL INTERFERENCE.

 

*I BELIEVE THAT TEACHERS SHOULD NOT ONLY BE RESPECTED, BUT SHOULD BE PAID MORE FOR THEIR EXPERIENCE AND EDUCATION. I DO NOT BELIEVE THAT EDUCATION WILL GET BETTER IF TEACHERS HAVE LESS EXPERIENCE AND LESS EDUCATION.

 

*I BELIEVE IN SCHOOL CHOICE, BUT I DO NOT BELIEVE THAT PRIVATE CHOICES SHOULD BE PUBLICLY SUBSIDIZED. ANYONE WHO WANTS THEIR CHILD TO HAVE A RELIGIOUS EDUCATION SHOULD PAY FOR IT. THE SAME FOR THOSE WHO WANT THEIR CHILDREN TO ATTEND A PRIVATE SCHOOL OR TO BE HOME-SCHOOLED. PARENTS HAVE A RIGHT TO MAKE CHOICES, BUT THEY SHOULD NOT EXPECT THE PUBLIC TO PAY FOR THEIR CHOICES.

 

*I WOULD LIKE TO SEE TODAY’S REFORMERS FIGHT AGAINST BUDGET CUTS TO PUBLIC SCHOOLS, AGAINST SEGREGATION, AND AGAINST THE OVERUSE AND MISUSE OF STANDARDIZED TESTS. I WISH WE MIGHT JOIN TOGETHER TO LEAD THE FIGHT TO IMPROVE THE LIVING STANDARDS FOR CHILDREN AND FAMILIES NOW LIVING IN POVERTY. I WISH WE MIGHT ADVOCATE TOGETHER FOR HIGHER SALARIES FOR TEACHERS, SMALLER CLASSES FOR STUDENTS, EFFECTIVE SOCIAL AND MEDICAL SERVICES FOR CHILDREN WHO NEED THEM, AND EXCELLENT PUBLIC SCHOOLS IN EVERY NEIGHBORHOOD.

 

*I WOULD LIKE TO SEE ALL OF US WHO CARE ABOUT CHILDREN, WHO RESPECT TEACHERS AND WANT A GREAT EDUCATION FOR EVERY CHILD, JOIN TOGETHER TO PERSUADE THE PUBLIC TO INVEST MORE IN EDUCATION AND TO CONSIDER EDUCATION THE MOST IMPORTANT ENDEAVOR OF OUR SOCIETY, THE ONE THAT WILL DETERMINE THE FUTURE OF OUR SOCIETY. LET US RECOGNIZE TOGETHER THAT POVERTY MATTERS, TEACHERS MATTER, SCHOOLS MATTER, AND THAT WE MUST STRIVE TOGETHER TO REACH THE GOALS UPON WHICH WE AGREE.

 

THANK YOU FOR INITIATING THIS DIALOGUE. I LOOK FORWARD TO CONTINUING IT.

 

DIANE RAVITCH

 

 

 

 

 

 

Ellen Lubic, a professor of public policy in Los Angeles, is furious that the Los Angeles Times fails to investigate and uncover the nefarious plans and f billionaires to destroy public schools in Los Angeles.

 

 

She wrires:

 
“Why does the LA Times hate and deride real teachers and public schools, but love and support Eli Broad and his billionaire partners in their privatizing takeover?

 

 

“In the last few days, the LA Times has published misleading information on the California Appeals Court decision this week denying the lower court ruling in the Vergara lawsuit, wherein a few carefully chosen students were urged to press a lawsuit to terminate teachers without due process and to change the law pertaining to what they call tenure. Also this lawsuit would serve to weaken teachers unions.
“This lawsuit was contrived by billionaires David Welch, under the aegis if the non profit called Students First, and with the input of Eli Broad and of the Walton Family and others of the billionaire anti-public school contingent. These uber wealthy non-educators tried to prove that bad and uncaring teachers were assigned to inner city schools so as to diminish the civil rights of inner city students to a fair and equal education in public schools, and that laws should be changed to be able to fire them with no due process.
“However, these same billionaires have been working toward privatizing most of Americas’ public schools and turning them into “Wall Street investment opportunities” as openly expressed by Rupert Murdoch in his NY Times oped a few years ago, and also by hedge fund managers such as Whitney Tilson, who sell their clients products of investments in charter schools and other allied corporations, and hold classes for these clients on how to invest in “public” education for large profits.

“This is the greatest scam in the universe and outshines Teapot Dome as a robber baron scheme. They call the schools “public” but the only thing public about them is that they are paid for by the American taxpayer public. Other than that, these charter schools have no oversight by real educators and education administrators, nor a Board of Education, but they are run on business models devised by Eli Broad and his Broad Academy, to make vast sums of money for their leaders and investors, none of whom are generally educators.

“These vulture business managers fire real trained teachers with degrees in education, and replace them with low paid Teach for America recent college graduates who only get 5 weeks of minimalist training before they are dumped into classrooms in inner cities for only a short period of time, with often 50 children in a room that was built to hold 30. Many disasters occur, and students suffer.

“This week one of these ersatz public charter schools was awarded $7.2 million dollars by an LA court for not having LAUSD provide them with a free site for their marginal school. We also see Fetullah Gulen, the Turkish Imam who lives in guarded seclusion in the Poconos, running over 146 of these questionable charters all over the US, with 11 in LA. These Magnolia Schools in LA are headed by the infamous charter school queen, Caprice Young, who has made a fortune in her career off these schools that use taxpayer funds with no taxpayer oversight.

“As to the LA Times….this information is always soft pedaled by the Times reporters, and we have been told they are under the thumbs of their bosses, the editorial board, who carefully monitor and edit their reports. Focusing on Saturday, April,16, 2016, we find the reporters front page story starting off with their own Broad-directed take on this week’s decision by the Appeals Court to throw out this highly flawed case. The Times, and LASR, all week kept calling this a “landmark case,” which it is not. It is a failed case of bad law based on unproven allegations and bias against teachers and their unions, but the Broadies will again file similar lawsuits for they have endless deep pockets.

 

“Howard Blume and his writer pals follow the Broad line imposed by their Times bosses, even though they do not have the usual disclaimer on today’s front page manipulated article. Ryan Smith and Ben Austin are quoted by the LA Times today. They chose once again to interview and quote Ryan Smith, past hatchet man for United Way and now the darling of Marion Edelman fame and fortune, and Parent Revolution/parent trigger shady lawyer, Ben Austin, former and still hatchet man for Eli Broad and now of Broad/Welch fame and fortune, to be their voices on education issues. These two men are in the lead in the deception to steal public education in the name of their manufactured view of civil rights. These are the two who led the infamous street charade of Oct. 29, 2013 to get the equally infamous John Deasy’s (who now works for Broad fulltime) contract renewed…and wherein the pathetic LAUSD BoE danced to Eli Broad’s tune by allowing the spectacle takeover of Beaudry Street and Board Room…and then signing and extending the disasterous contract, after the multiple fiascos caused by Broad’s Supt. Deasy which cost the District around $780 million in losses and payoffs for lawsuits. Deasy almost forced the District into bankruptcy.

 

“The supportive ‘reformer’ language these reporters use in the their introductory paragraphs, “the nation’s most generous teacher employment protections…and, the (reformers) centerpiece effort to remake schools….and, teachers’ unions have flexed their muscle locally and nationally” is egregious. These biases set the scene for the rest of the manipulation of the story.
“The ‘reformer players’ and the Times use the important claim of civil rights to elevate the privatizing of public schools, and the firing (and teacher jailing) of teachers without due process, and with the goal to kill off unions, but they want the exclusive use of public funds in running their charter schools, all paid for on the backs of the taxpayers. Deasy testified against teachers at the Vergara trail, and at the Treu decision for the plaintiffs, he stated that he was delighted and would rush home to fire more teachers…and he did.
“Today’s article mentions the recent Friedrichs case which SCOTUS dropped in a 4 to 4 tie after Justice Scalia’s death as a case “which could have prevented unions from collecting dues from employees who didn’t agree to become members.” This is not actually what the case shows…as with Harris v. Quinn (” Holding: The First Amendment prohibits the collection of an agency fee from the plaintiffs in this case, home health care providers who do not wish to join or support a union.Judgment: Reversed in part, affirmed in part, and remanded, 5-4, in an opinion by Justice Alito on June 30, 2014. Justice Kagan filed a dissenting opinion in which Justice Ginsburg, Justice Breyer, and Justice Sotomayor joined.”), teachers who do not join the union are generally required to pay a small fee since they benefit from union negotiations in their behalf as well as paid members.
“But how easy it is to blame it all of public educations problems on the teachers.
“However, do these reporters interview some of the skid row (see San Pedro St. in LA) crack mothers of the thousands of LAUSD students who sleep on the hard streets every night? Rarely do these ace reporters do any in-depth investigation of how these inner city kids live lives of desperate poverty, with little food or rest, and virtually no parental supervision. There are also many poverty level parents working three jobs to try to exist, but there are thousands of others who have NO business parenting children. These students are sent to school and teachers are supposed to fill all the spaces of their wretched lives and make them math and language successes, and college-ready, too. These same expectations extend to the lives of all those of LAUSD students living at or below the poverty level which is close to 80% of LAUSD. Could Eli make this work? Could the Kochs, or the Waltons with their endless billions as the two richest families in the world? Why don’t they focus on curing poverty? Can it be because there are no fortunes to be made by curing poverty?

 

“As to their education articles, the Times reporters seem never to interview highly respected academics like Professor Rogers at UCLA or Emeritus Professor Kashen from USC, but rather, they feature on the mendacious warriors for privatization from Eli Broad’s selected non-profits, United Way, Parent Revolution, and California Endowment. So what the public reads is deeply slanted.

 

“This story is filled with dichotomies…it is a continuum of despair of inner city life vs. the grandest displays of wealth in LA. The 40,000 foot mansions which could house a hundred people, but are vacation homes for the billionaires who seek to run the world are what the tour buses show off…not the tents from 1st and San Pedro stretching for miles and miles, showing the degradation and filth of the poverty stricken, a twenty minute drive from Rodeo.
“When we lose a free press, unbiased media, we lose democracy. Judging by Campbell’s new gig at LASR, and by the venomous LA Times (plus the biased NY Times), all is lost.”

The New York Times reports that several of our nation’s most elite boarding schools have taken action against sexual predators. In a boarding school environment, there is an unusual degree of intimacy between teachers and students.

 

Calling Campbell Brown! She started her career as an education “reformer” railing against sexual predators in public schools. She said these malefactors were protected by their unions and tenure, and she has dedicated herself to eliminating both. That will protect kids from sexual predators.

 

But wait! The boarding schools in this article have neither unions nor tenure. How shall we protect the children? Home schooling?

Reader Chiara has a great idea. It will turn professors against VAM:

 

She writes:

 

“I’m wondering if there’s ever been any discussion of ranking teachers by student test scores in higher ed.

 

“It would obviously be more difficult to do, but one could use the tests that are used for graduate schools, right? How much “value” did undergrad professors add?

 

If you back this approach in K-12 why wouldn’t you back it in higher ed?”

 

 

Let us see the VAM scores for Raj Chetty, Jonah Rockoff, John Friedman, Thomas Kane, and all the other professors who endorse VAM. Be sure their ratings are posted in public. And while we are at it, all professors who testified against teacher tenure should give up their own tenure, On principle.

 

Goose and gander.

Mercedes Schneider writes here about Campbell Brown and the Vergara case. The lower court decision became an opportunity for the telegenic former TV correspondent to launch a new career as a tenure-fighting, union-busting vigilante.

 

Riding the Vergara wave, she created an organization called the “Partnership for Educational Justice,” funded by the usual billionaires.  PEJ filed a copy-cat Vergara lawsuit in New York and just week filed a similar lawsuit in Minnesota. Bad timing, to say the least.

 

On a roll, Brown launched a news site, “The 74,” to chronicle the struggle for corporate-style reform of public education. The 74 refers to the 74 million children of school age, many allegedly trapped in schools with unions and tenure. It was reported that the billionaires (Bloomberg, Walton and others) gave her $4 million for The 74).

 

So what did Campbell say about the overturning of the Vergara by a unanimous three-judge Court of Appeal? Nothing. A deafening silence.

 

Meanwhile, Mercedes examines a curious incident in the night at the Los Angeles Times, where education coverage is funded by billionaire Eli Broad. The original story about the decision by Howard Blume was mysteriously rewritten. Whole sections were dropped or revised to make them , well, less problematic to the funder. Accidental? Your guess is as good as mine.

 

Read the post for the details.

 

And remember to thank the Constitution for checks and balances and an independent judiciary (at least in California).

 

As I read the story in the New York Times about the overturning of the infamous Vergara decision, I realized that the article presented an opportunity for “close reading” and for critical thinking. Unlike the Common Core standards, which asks the reader to stick to the four corners of the text, I expect readers to draw upon their background knowledge to interpret the text, authors’ intentions, and missing information or context. In the end, however, we must recognized that it is a newspaper article, and space is limited. Nonetheless, what is written and what is omitted is left out matters, because the Times is a national newspaper, read by the public and the media, few of whom will ever read the decision or understand the background.

 

 

Why do philanthropists want to end teachers’ job protections? Why do billionaires like Eli Broad and the Walton family want to get rid of job protections? Did the plaintiffs prove that the children’s teachers were ineffective? Or did they just use test scores as “evidence”? Which states allow teachers to have due process rights? Which do not? Does the latter group of states–which have no job protections–have better schools than the former group? What is the Partnership for Educational Justice? What is its goal? Does a district attract better teachers when it does not have job protections? Why has recruitment of new teachers plummeted in recent years?

 

These are just a few questions that come to mind. What are yours?

 

 

 

NEWS RELEASE

Contacts:

 
For CFT: Fred Glass at 510-579-3343

For CTA: Frank Wells at 562-708-5425

 
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
April 14, 2016

Educators Applaud Appellate Ruling in Meritless Vergara Lawsuit

Stinging Reversal of Lower Court Decision Vindicates Due Process, Benefits of Challenged Laws to Students, School Districts

LOS ANGELES – In a sweeping victory for students and educators, the California Court of Appeal today reversed a lower court decision in the deeply flawed Vergara v. California lawsuit. The unanimous appellate opinion is a stinging rebuke to Judge Rolf M. Treu’s poorly-reasoned ruling, and to the allegations made and millions of dollars spent by wealthy anti-union “education reformers” to bypass voters, parents, and the legislature with harmful education policy changes. The reversal affirms the arguments of educators, civil rights groups, legal scholars and education policy experts that the state statutes affirming educator rights do not harm students.

 
“This is a great day for educators and, more importantly, for students,” said California Teachers Association President Eric C. Heins. “Today’s ruling reversing Treu’s decision overwhelmingly underscores that the laws under attack have been good for public education and for kids, and that the plaintiffs failed to establish any violation of a student’s constitutional rights. Stripping teachers of their ability to stand up for their students and robbing school districts of the tools they need to make sound employment decisions was a wrong-headed scheme developed by people with no education expertise and the appellate court justices saw that.”

 
In their 36-page decision<http://CaliforniaTeachersAssociation.pr-optout.com/Tracking.aspx?Data=HHL%3d%3e063.CP%3f%401A8%40330.LP%3f%40083%3a&RE=IN&RI=711994&Preview=False&DistributionActionID=5557&Action=Follow+Link&gt;, Justices Roger Boren, Judith Ashmann-Gerst and Brian Hoffstadt outline the numerous ways in which the plaintiffs’ arguments were wrong and Judge Treu’s decision declaring the statutes unconstitutional could not be affirmed. “We reverse the trial court’s decision. Plaintiffs failed to establish that the challenged statutes violate equal protection, primarily because they did not show that the statutes inevitably cause a certain group of students to receive an education inferior to the education received by other students. …the statutes do not address the assignment of teachers; instead, administrators—not the statutes—ultimately determine where teachers within a district are assigned to teach. Critically, plaintiffs failed to show that the statutes themselves make any certain group of students more likely to be taught by ineffective teachers than any other group of students. With no proper showing of a constitutional violation, the court is without power to strike down the challenged statutes. The court’s job is merely to determine whether the statutes are constitutional, not if they are “a good idea.”…The judgment is reversed. The matter is remanded to the trial court with directions to enter judgment in favor of defendants on all causes of action.”

 
“Today’s decision vindicates decades of experience that show many local districts across the state are working collaboratively with teachers to help public education thrive. We need to take those best practices and expand them, not wipe out education codes that protect students and teachers,” said Joshua Pechthalt, president of the California Federation of Teachers. “We have a looming teacher shortage that is made worse by lawsuits like this one and the constant attacks on teachers and public education. We need to work together to raise up teacher performance and create a climate that keeps veteran teachers in the classroom and attracts young people to the profession.”
Vergara was the brainchild of Silicon Valley multi-millionaire David Welch and a group of corporate attorneys and public relations experts who founded the organization Students Matter to back the suit and to recruit the nine student plaintiffs used to front their failed attempt. At issue in the case were five California statutes covering due process rights for teachers, probationary periods, and the value of educator experience when school districts are forced to lay off personnel due to cuts.

 
Over the course of a nearly two-month trial, award-winning teachers, superintendents, principals, school board members, education researchers, and policy experts testified to the benefit of these laws and how they work quite well to ensure quality instructors in well-run school districts. Plaintiff attorneys put on witnesses from often dysfunctional districts where administrators attempted to blame the laws instead of their own failures to fulfill basic responsibilities such as spending time in classrooms observing teachers or providing assistance to struggling educators. No connection was ever made between the challenged laws and any student being harmed or any teacher who should not be in a classroom remaining there. The Court of Appeal decision repeatedly affirmed that the current laws do not prevent districts from making personnel decisions.
Pechthalt and Heins say now we can continue to focus on the work we are entrusted to do and that is to educate our students.

 

 

More information on the case as well as background can be found here<http://CaliforniaTeachersAssociation.pr-optout.com/Tracking.aspx?Data=HHL%3d%3e063.CP%3f%401A8%40330.LP%3f%40083%3a&RE=IN&RI=711994&Preview=False&DistributionActionID=5556&Action=Follow+Link&gt; and here<http://CaliforniaTeachersAssociation.pr-optout.com/Tracking.aspx?Data=HHL%3d%3e063.CP%3f%401A8%40330.LP%3f%40083%3a&RE=IN&RI=711994&Preview=False&DistributionActionID=5555&Action=Follow+Link&gt;.
###

The 325,000-member CTA is affiliated with the 3 million-member National Education Association. The California Federation of Teachers is the statewide affiliate of the American Federation of Teachers, and represents more than 100,000 faculty and school employees in public and private schools and colleges, from early childhood through higher education.

Here is the decision striking down Vergara (forgive the typography; I copied and reproduced the decision from a PDF):

 

Filed 4/14/16
IN THE COURT OF APPEAL OF THE STATE OF CALIFORNIA

CERTIFIED FOR PUBLICATION

SECOND APPELLATE DISTRICT DIVISION TWO

BEATRIZ VERGARA, a Minor, etc., et al.,

Plaintiffs and Respondents,

v.
STATE OF CALIFORNIA et al.,

Defendants and Appellants;

CALIFORNIA TEACHERS ASSOCIATION et al.,

Interveners and Appellants.

COURT OF APPEAL – SECOND DIST.

Apr 14, 2016 JOSEPH A. LANE, Clerk

B258589

ocarbone (Los Angeles County

Super. Ct. No. BC484642)

Deputy Clerk

APPEALS from a judgment of the Superior Court of Los Angeles County. Rolf M. Treu, Judge. Reversed and remanded.

 

Kamala D. Harris, Attorney General, Edward C. DuMont, Solicitor General, Julie Weng-Gutierrez, Assistant Attorney General, Janill L. Richards, Gregory D. Brown and Aimee Feinberg, Deputy Solicitors General, Susan M. Carson and Nimrod P. Elias, Deputy Attorneys General, for Defendants and Appellants the State of California; Edmund G. Brown, Jr., in his official capacity as Governor of California; the California Department of Education; the State Board of Education; and Tom Torlakson, in his official capacity as State Superintendent of Public Instruction.

 

Rothner Segall & Greenstone, Glenn Rothner; Altshuler Berzon, Michael Rubin, Stacey M. Leyton, Eileen B. Goldsmith and P. Casey Pitts for Interveners and Appellants California Teachers Association and California Federation of Teachers.

 

Reed Smith, Paul D. Fogel, Raymond A. Cardozo, Thomas A. Evans and
Kevin M. Hara; Jennifer W. Bezoza, Travis Silva and Dana M. Isaac for Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights of the San Francisco Bay Area, Education Law Center, Equal Justice Society, Southern Poverty Law Center and Asian Americans Advancing Justice— Los Angeles as Amici Curiae on behalf of Appellants.

 

Catherine L. Fisk and Erwin Chemerinsky, University of California, Irvine Law for Constitutional Law Professors as Amicus Curiae on behalf of Appellants.

 

Stroock & Stroock & Lavan, Steven D. Atlee, Christine E. Ellice, Charles G. Moerdler, Alan M. Klinger, Beth A. Norton, Dina Kolker, David J. Kahne and Nathan H. Stopper; David Strom for American Federation of Teachers, AFL-CIO, as Amicus Curiae on behalf of Appellants.

 

Judith A. Scott, James & Hoffman and Claire P. Prestel for Service Employees International Union as Amicus on behalf of Appellants; Matthew S. Blumin and Michael Artz for American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees as Amicus Curiae on behalf of Appellants; Michael R. Clancy for California School Employees Association as Amicus Curiae on behalf of Appellants; Kathryn Sheffield for California Faculty Association as Amicus Curiae on behalf of Appellants.

 

Persyn Law & Policy and Mary Kelly Persyn; Ronald A. Peterson Law Clinic, Charlotte Garden, Lorraine Bannai and Robert Chang for California Teachers, American- Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee, Fred T. Korematsu Center for Law & Equality and American Association of University Professors as Amici Curiae on behalf of Appellants.

2

Donahue & Goldberg and Sean H. Donahue; Schwartz, Steinsapir, Dohrmann & Sommers and Henry M. Willis for Kevin Beiser, Joan Buchanan, Ciro C. Calderon, Rob Collins, Tom Conry, Jennifer Freemon, Matt Haney, Michael Harrelson, Richard Hoy, Sarah Kirby-Gonzalez, Rob Nunez, Erik Ortega, Cecilia Perez, Annemarie Randle-Trejo, Claudia Rossi, Ryan Anthony Ruelas, Noelani Sallings, Shamann Walton, Steve Waterman and Steve Zimmer as Amici Curiae on behalf of Appellants.

 

Alice O’Brien, Eric A. Harrington, Kristen Hollar and Derrick Ward for National Education Association as Amicus Curiae on behalf of Appellants.

 

Keker & Van Nest, Steven A. Hirsch and Katherine M. Lloyd-Lovett for Education Deans, Professors and Scholars as Amicus Curiae on behalf of Appellants.

 

Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher, Theodore B. Olson, Joshua S. Lipshutz, Kevin J. Ring- Dowell, Theodore J. Boutrous, Jr., Marcellus A. McRae, Theane D. Evangelis and Enrique A. Monagas for Plaintiffs and Respondents.

 

Kaufhold Gaskin, Steven S. Kaufhold, Janathan B. Gaskin and Quynh K. Vu for Students Transforming Education, Jan Bauer, Priscilla Davis, Dan Tick, Paula Tillotson, Neva Sullaway and, Ann Wellman as Amici Curiae on behalf of Respondents.

 

Kronick, Moskovitz, Tiedemann & Girard, Christian M. Keiner and Chelsea Olson for California County Superintendents Education Services Association as Amicus Curiae on behalf of Respondents.

 

Sidley Austin, Michelle B. Goodman, James D. Arden, Peter D. Kauffman for National Council on Teacher Quality and The New Teacher Project as Amici Curiae on behalf of Respondents.

3

Shook, Hardy & Bacon, Tristan L. Duncan, Laurence H. Tribe, Tammy B. Webb for Constitutional Scholars; Rachel F. Moran, Michael J. Connell, Dawinder S. Sidhu as Amici Curiae on behalf of Respondents.

 

Lubin Olson & Niewiadomski, Jonathan E. Sommer and Kyle A. Withers for Betheny Gross, Jane Hannaway, Cory Koedel and Jonah Rockoff as Amici Curiae on behalf of Respondents.

 

Arnold & Porter, Douglas A. Winthrop and Christopher T. Scanlan for Students First as Amicus Curiae on behalf of Respondents.

 

Horvitz & Levy, Jeremy B. Rosen, Robert H. Wright and Emily V. Cuatto for Silicon Valley Leadership Group, California Business Roundtable, Foundation for Excellence in Education, Orange County Business Council, California Chamber of Commerce and Valley Industry & Commerce Association as Amici Curiae on behalf of Respondents.

 

Jenner & Block, Kenneth K. Lee, L. David Russell and Andrew G. Sullivan for Education Trust—West, Oakland Alliance of Black Educators, Los Angeles Urban League, Black Alliance for Education Options as Amici Curiae on behalf of Respondents.

 

Dannis Woliver Kelley and Sue Ann Salmon Evans; Lozano Smith, Michael Smith, Dulcinea Grantham, Keith J. Bray and Joshua R. Daniels for Education Legal Alliance of the California School Boards Association as Amicus Curiae on behalf of Respondents.

4

White & Case, Bryan A. Merryman, Elliott E. Dionisio and J. Taylor Akerblom for Governors Arnold Schwarzenegger and Pete Wilson as Amici Curiae on behalf of Respondents.

 

Chandler & Shechet, Aaron Nathan Shechet and Leigh Anne Chandler for Adam Kuppersmith, Karen Sykes-Orpe and Katherine Czujko as for Amici Curiae on behalf of Respondents.

 

Fagen Friedman & Fulfrost, Roy A. Combs, David Mishook and Alejandra Leon for Association of California School Administrators as Amicus Curiae on behalf of Respondents.

 

Proskauer Rose, Lois D. Thompson and Irina Constantin for Current and Former School Superintendents John White, Hanna Skandera, Paul Pastorek, Kevin S. Huffman and Cami Anderson as Amici Curiae on behalf of Respondents.

 

 

In this lawsuit, nine students who were attending California public schools sued the State of California and several state officials, seeking a court order declaring various provisions of California’s Education Code unconstitutional. According to plaintiffs, these provisions, which govern how K-12 public school teachers obtain tenure, how they are dismissed, and how they are laid off on the basis of seniority, violate the California Constitution’s guarantee that all citizens enjoy the “equal protection of the laws.” (Cal. Const., art. I, § 7, subd. (a).) The matter went to trial. After hearing eight weeks of evidence, the trial court issued a ruling declaring five sections of the Education Code— sections 44929.21, subdivision (b), 44934, 44938, subdivisions (b)(1) and (b)(2), 44944, and 449551— unconstitutional and void. Defendants have appealed this judgment.

 

We reverse the trial court’s decision. Plaintiffs failed to establish that the challenged statutes violate equal protection, primarily because they did not show that the statutes inevitably cause a certain group of students to receive an education inferior to the education received by other students. Although the statutes may lead to the hiring and retention of more ineffective teachers than a hypothetical alternative system would, the statutes do not address the assignment of teachers; instead, administrators—not the statutes—ultimately determine where teachers within a district are assigned to teach. Critically, plaintiffs failed to show that the statutes themselves make any certain group of students more likely to be taught by ineffective teachers than any other group of students.

 

With no proper showing of a constitutional violation, the court is without power to strike down the challenged statutes. The court’s job is merely to determine whether the statutes are constitutional, not if they are “a good idea.” (McHugh v. Santa Monica Rent Control Bd. (1989) 49 Cal.3d 348, 388.) Additionally, our review is limited to the particular constitutional challenge that plaintiffs decided to bring. Plaintiffs brought a facial equal protection challenge, meaning they challenged the statutes themselves, not how the statutes are implemented in particular school districts. Since plaintiffs did not

 

1

Unless otherwise indicated, all further statutory references are to the Education Code.

6

demonstrate that the statutes violate equal protection on their face, the judgment cannot be affirmed.

 

BACKGROUND I. California’s educational system

The California Constitution requires “[t]he Legislature [to] provide for a system of common schools.” (Cal. Const., art. IX, § 5.) Pursuant to this command, the state is obligated to provide a free public education. (Los Angeles Unified School Dist. v. Garcia (2013) 58 Cal.4th 175, 182.) “‘[M]anagement and control of the public schools [is] a matter of state[, not local,] care and supervision. . . .’” (Butt v. State of California (1992) 4 Cal.4th 668, 681 (Butt).)

 

The California Constitution also provides for the incorporation and organization of school districts by the Legislature. (Cal. Const., art. IX, § 14.) Local school districts, as agents of the state, are responsible for implementation of educational programs and activities. (Ibid.; Butt, supra, 4 Cal.4th 668, 681.) “[T]he Legislature has assigned much of the governance of the public schools to the local districts.” (Butt, at p. 681.)

 

School districts are expected to operate as “strong, vigorous, and properly organized local school administrative units.” (§ 14000.) To this end, the Legislature has granted each district (through its governing board) the power to hire teachers (§§ 44830- 44834), to dismiss teachers (§§ 44932-44944), to fix teachers’ compensation (§§ 45022, 45032), and to accept their resignations (§ 44930). (See generally C.A. v. William S. Hart Union High School Dist. (2012) 53 Cal.4th 861, 871; Kavanaugh v. West Sonoma County Union High School Dist. (2003) 29 Cal.4th 911, 916-918.)

 

The power to assign teachers to specific schools or to transfer teachers between schools within a district belongs to the district’s superintendent (§ 35035, subds. (e), (f)), subject to conditions imposed by collective bargaining agreements (see Gov. Code,
§ 3543.2; United Teachers of Los Angeles v. Los Angeles Unified School Dist. (2012) 54 Cal.4th 504, 515 [teacher transfer and reassignment policies are proper subjects of collective bargaining]), and by statute (see § 35036, subd. (a) [prohibiting transfer of a teacher to a low-performing school when principal objects]).

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II. The operative complaint

 
In their operative first amended complaint against defendants,2 plaintiffs claimed

that the challenged statutes negatively impacted their right to an education by causing “grossly ineffective” teachers to become employed and retain their employment in the school system. Specifically, plaintiffs contended that: (1) the “tenure statute”
(§ 44929.21, subd. (b)) forced school districts to decide whether new, probationary teachers should be granted tenure before the teachers’ effectiveness could be determined; (2) the “dismissal statutes” (§§ 44934; 44938, subds. (b)(1), (2); 44944) made it nearly impossible to dismiss poorly performing teachers; and (3) the “reduction-in-force statute” (§ 44955) required school districts, in the event of layoffs, to terminate teachers based on seniority alone, regardless of their teaching effectiveness.

 

The first amended complaint identified two groups of students who allegedly were denied equal protection because of the challenged statutes. The first group (Group 1) was a “subset” of the general student population, whose “fundamental right to education” was adversely impacted due to being assigned to grossly ineffective teachers. According to plaintiffs, the students comprising this subset were located throughout the state, in all sorts of schools, and were of substantially the same age and aptitude as students of the

2

At the time of trial, defendants were: The State of California; Edmund G. Brown, Jr., in his official capacity as Governor of California; the California Department of Education (CDE); the State Board of Education; and Tom Torlakson, in his official capacity as State Superintendent of Public Instruction (the State defendants); as well as California Teachers Association and the California Federation of Teachers (the intervener defendants), who were granted leave to intervene as defendants prior to trial. The State defendants and the intervener defendants filed separate briefs on appeal. Because the positions taken by the two sets of defendants are, for the most part, essentially identical, we generally refer to defendants collectively in this opinion. We reject the State defendants’ contention that the governor is an improper defendant. Because public education is ultimately a state obligation (Butt, supra, 4 Cal.4th 668, 680) and “[t]he supreme executive power of this State is vested in the Governor” (Cal. Const., art. V,
§ 1), the Governor is a proper defendant in this lawsuit mounting a facial challenge to five statutes of state-wide application. (See also In re Marriage Cases (2008) 43 Cal.4th 757 [Governor named as defendant]; White v. Davis (2003) 30 Cal.4th 528 [same].)

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general population. The Group 1 members were disadvantaged, however, because they received a lesser education than students not assigned to grossly ineffective teachers.

The second group (Group 2) allegedly impacted by the challenged statutes was made up of minority and economically disadvantaged students. Plaintiffs alleged that schools predominantly serving these students have more than their proportionate share of grossly ineffective teachers, making assignment to a grossly ineffective teacher more likely for a poor and/or minority student.

The operative complaint sought a judgment (i) declaring the challenged statutes unconstitutional for violating equal protection provisions of the California Constitution and (ii) enjoining their enforcement.

 
III. The challenged statutes

 

A. Tenure statute

Under the tenure statute, in districts with more than 250 students, a probationary teacher becomes a “permanent employee of the district” after finishing “two complete consecutive school years in a position or positions requiring certification . . . .”
(§ 44929.21, subd. (b).) Each such district must notify a probationary teacher, on or before March 15 of the teacher’s second consecutive school year, whether he or she will be reelected as a permanent employee. (Ibid.) If a probationary teacher is not provided notice by March 15, the teacher is deemed reelected. (Ibid.)

B. Dismissal statutes

1. Statutes at time of trial
At the time of trial,3 the dismissal statutes operated as follows:
Under section 44938, subdivision (b)(1), a school district that intends to dismiss a

permanent certificated teacher for “unsatisfactory performance” must provide the teacher

3

In 2014, the Legislature enacted Assembly Bill No. 215 (2013-2014 Reg. Sess.) (Stats. 2014, ch. 55, §§ 3, 15), which made several changes to two of the dismissal statutes, sections 44934 and 44944. These changes took effect on January 1, 2015, after judgment was entered in this matter.

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with a “written notice of the unsatisfactory performance” specifying instances of unsatisfactory behavior with enough particularity to allow the teacher an opportunity to correct his or her faults. In order for the district to proceed with the dismissal process in the same school year, it must issue the written notice prior to the last quarter of the school year. (§ 44938, subd. (b)(2).) After the written notice is issued, the teacher is provided at least 90 days to attempt to correct his or her deficient performance and overcome the grounds for the charge. (§ 44938, subd. (b)(1).)

Then, after the 90-day period has lapsed, the district must file a written statement of charges and “give notice to the permanent employee of its intention to dismiss . . . .” (Former § 44934.) The statement of charges of unsatisfactory performance must specify instances of the teacher’s behavior and the conduct constituting the charge, the statutes and rules violated (where applicable), and “the facts relevant to each occasion of alleged . . . unsatisfactory performance.” (Ibid.)

The teacher then has another 30 days to request a hearing on the dismissal charges. (Former § 44934.) The hearing shall commence within 60 days of the teacher’s request. (Former § 44944, subd. (a)(1).) The dismissal hearing is conducted by a three-member panel called a “Commission on Professional Competence” (CPC), made up of one administrative law judge and two teachers, one selected by the teacher subject to the hearing and the other selected by the district. (Former § 44944, subds. (b)(1), (2).) Parties to a CPC hearing have discovery rights generally equivalent to those of a party to a civil action brought in superior court. (Former § 44944, subd. (a)(1).)

Following the conclusion of the CPC hearing, the CPC must issue “a written decision containing findings of fact, determination of issues, and a disposition” to either dismiss the subject teacher, suspend the teacher for a specific period of time, or not suspend or dismiss the teacher. (Former § 44944, subd. (c)(1).) The written decision is deemed the “final decision” of the district. (Former § 44944, subd. (c)(4).) If the CPC determines that the teacher should not be dismissed or suspended, the district is required to pay the expenses for the dismissal hearing and the teacher’s attorney fees. (Former
§ 44944, subd. (e)(2).) If the teacher is dismissed or suspended, the parties split the

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expenses of the hearing and pay their own attorney fees. (Former § 44944, subd. (e)(1).) A party may seek judicial review of the CPC’s decision. (§ 44945.)

2. 2015 changes
Aside from altering the order and notation of subdivisions, the 2015 revisions to

the dismissal statutes made several other changes.
Among other changes, section 44934, subdivision (d), amending former section

44934, now requires a showing of “good cause” to amend written charges less than 90 days before the dismissal hearing. Section 44944, subdivisions (b)(1)(A) and (B), amending former section 44944, subdivision (a)(1), now require a CPC hearing to generally be commenced within six months of an employee’s demand for a hearing, and for the hearing to generally be completed “by a closing of the record” within seven months of the demand for a hearing, unless these deadlines are extended by the administrative law judge. Section 44944, subdivision (c)(4), now allows a party to object to the member of the CPC selected by the opposing party. Alternatively, under the revised section 44944, subdivision (c)(1), if the parties mutually agree, they may waive the right to convene a three member CPC and instead have the matter be determined by a single administrative law judge. Discovery provisions, formerly found in section 44944, subdivision (a), were also revised. Newly enacted section 44944.05 requires parties to make initial disclosures of witnesses and documents, restricts parties to five depositions per side absent good cause, and provides that discovery disputes be resolved by the administrative law judge. (§ 44944.05, subds. (a), (c), (d).)

C. Reduction-in-force statute

When a school district must “decrease the number of permanent employees in the district” pursuant to section 44955, “the services of no permanent employee may be terminated . . . while any probationary employee, or any other employee with less seniority, is retained to render a service which said permanent employee is certificated and competent to render.” (§ 44955, subd. (b).) This seniority system requires that permanent teachers be terminated in “the inverse of the order in which they were

11

employed” (§ 44955, subd. (c)), meaning that a permanent teacher generally cannot be terminated unless all teachers with less seniority have been terminated.

Two exceptions allow a district to deviate from the seniority system in certain circumstances: (1) if “[t]he district demonstrates a specific need for personnel to teach a specific course or course of study” and the junior certificated teacher has special training and experience that teachers with more seniority do not possess (§ 44955, subd. (d)(1)), or (2) to maintain or achieve “compliance with constitutional requirements related to equal protection of the laws” (§ 44955, subd. (d)(2)).
IV. Trial

Plaintiffs initially sued three school districts (Los Angeles Unified School District, Oakland Unified School District, and Alum Rock Union) in addition to the State defendants. Prior to trial, plaintiffs dismissed these districts as defendants, opting to pursue a facial challenge to the statutes instead of one focusing on implementation.

The trial court conducted a bench trial. Over 50 lay and expert witnesses testified, including teachers, principals, superintendents, and CDE employees.

 

 

A. Plaintiffs’ evidence

 

1. The importance of effective teachers

 
At trial, plaintiffs elicited testimony from numerous witnesses who agreed that

 

effective teachers are vital to a child’s education. Along these lines, plaintiffs introduced into evidence a CDE publication stating, “The academic success of California’s diverse students is inextricably tied to the quality and commitment of our educator workforce.”

 

Plaintiffs called expert witnesses who testified that a teacher’s effectiveness can be assessed and measured, and that ineffective teachers can be identified. Raj Chetty, a professor of economics at Harvard University, conducted a voluminous analysis of school and tax records, and concluded that teacher effectiveness has a profound effect on students’ long-term success, including whether they attend college and how much they earn as adults. Chetty opined, based on studies he conducted using “VAM”—“value- added” modeling or methodology—that having a highly effective teacher significantly improves a child’s outcomes, while having a highly ineffective teacher does substantial

12

harm. According to Chetty, highly ineffective teachers, which he defined as the worst
5 percent of teachers (based on value-added measurements), had long-term negative impacts. He estimated that the lifetime aggregate earnings of a classroom of students taught for one year by a highly ineffective teacher was $1.4 million less than a classroom taught by an average teacher.

Thomas Kane, a professor of education and economics at the Harvard Graduate School of Education, conducted a study concluding that effective and ineffective teachers could be identified by measures including student achievement gains, as well as classroom observations and student surveys. Based on a study of Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD), which included data on 58,000 teachers and 3.9 million student test scores (but did not include classroom observations or student surveys), Kane determined that students assigned to teachers in the lowest 50th percentile of effectiveness lost an estimated nine and one-half to 11 and one-half months of learning when compared to students assigned to an average teacher.

Numerous other witnesses testified that highly ineffective teachers impede a child’s access to a reasonable education. Furthermore, although a host of factors, including child poverty and safety, affect student achievement, teachers nevertheless have a highly important and significant impact on student learning.

 

2. Difficulties with the challenged statutes

 
Various witnesses testified that the period provided for in the tenure statute is too

short for administrators to make a reasoned determination of a probationary teacher’s effectiveness when deciding whether to reelect the teacher as a permanent employee.
The statute requires that a probationary teacher be notified of any reelection decision by March 15 of the teacher’s second year (§ 44929.21, subd. (b)), but, because the process of evaluating a reelection decision takes time, principals generally must determine before March whether a teacher should be reelected.4

4

Evidence showed that California was one of five states nationwide with a probationary period of two years or fewer.

13

Witnesses familiar with the process estimated that, including summer months, principals have approximately 16 months to make a reelection decision. One witness, John Deasy, then-superintendent of LAUSD, testified that there is “no way” the time provided by the statute is “a sufficient amount of time to make . . . that incredibly important judgment” of reelection. Another witness, Mark Douglas, assistant superintendent in the Fullerton School District, stated that most teachers do not “hit full stride” until three to five years of teaching, and that it could be a “crapshoot” determining whether a beginning teacher would develop into an effective one. Two expert witnesses called by defendants testified consistently, both agreeing that a probationary period of three to five years would be superior to the current timeline for identifying teachers worthy of reelection. According to several witnesses called by plaintiffs, the tenure statute’s short probationary period prevented administrators from making adequately informed reelection decisions, resulting in highly ineffective teachers being retained as permanent employees.

 

Plaintiffs also presented evidence relevant to their assertion that the process of dismissing a teacher for unsatisfactory performance is time-consuming and expensive. Performance-based teacher dismissal proceedings lasted anywhere from one to 10 years before completion, and costs ranged from $50,000 to $450,000. In addition to the proceeding itself, the process of documenting a teacher’s deficiencies could take years. Witnesses familiar with the dismissal process testified that the time and cost of the proceedings were a significant disincentive to initiating dismissal proceedings. Because of these issues, districts rarely proceeded with formal dismissal proceedings against highly ineffective teachers. Plaintiffs presented evidence showing that, from 2003 to 2013, approximately two teachers statewide were dismissed on average per year for unsatisfactory performance by completion of the full formal dismissal process, out of an approximate total K-12 public school teacher population of 277,000. Meanwhile, the chief labor negotiator and former chief human resources officer of LAUSD, Vivian Ekchian, testified that during the 2012-2013 school year alone, LAUSD would have

14

sought to dismiss approximately 350 teachers for unsatisfactory performance if the dismissal process were streamlined.

 

Regarding the reduction-in-force statute, plaintiffs’ witnesses testified that the seniority system often resulted in highly effective teachers being terminated while grossly ineffective teachers kept their jobs.5 According to Douglas, this situation occurred because, “The layoff process is denoted by seniority, not on skills.” A further effect of the seniority system was that it could lead local administrators to replace a laid-off teacher with one unfamiliar with the subject matter. Using data on LAUSD student test scores and teacher assignments, Chetty calculated that 48 percent of teachers terminated during reductions-in-force were more effective than the average teacher in the district, while approximately 5 percent of teachers terminated were above the 95th percentile in terms of effectiveness—meaning that retentions under the seniority system have little if any correlation with effectiveness.

 

3. Low-income and minority students

 
Plaintiffs presented evidence that ineffective teachers are often transferred into and

concentrated in schools that predominantly serve minority6 and low-income children. Douglas testified about a phenomenon, referred to colloquially as the “dance of the lemons,” in which certain principals, seeking to improve the quality of their own schools’ teacher pool, attempt to transfer poorly performing teachers to other schools within the district. According to Douglas, the poorly performing teachers often end up at schools serving poor and minority students because, unlike schools serving more affluent

5

6

Plaintiffs’ evidence demonstrated California was one of 10 states that mandate seniority be considered when conducting teacher layoffs.

The minority children referred to at trial included Latino and African-American students. From evidence presented in the case, it appears that Latino students constitute approximately 50 percent of California public school children, making the term “minority” a possible misnomer in this context. Nevertheless, for purposes of consistency with the record and the appellate briefs, our use of the term “minority” includes reference to Latino students.

15

students, students at schools impacted by the transfers generally have “families who aren’t used to the education system . . . [and] don’t know what to look for in a great teacher . . . . And so sometimes they won’t complain about a teacher that [is] at low-end schools because they are not familiar and [do not] know how to navigate through the system. And so a teacher can exist without parent pressure at a lower-end school.”7 Bill Kappenhagen, a principal in the San Francisco Unified School District, also spoke of the “dance of the lemons” and how grossly ineffective teachers are “shuffled around from school to school,” often landing in schools serving poor and minority students. A 2007 CDE publication corroborated this testimony, stating: “[T]ransfers often functioned as a mechanism for teacher removal. . . . Not surprisingly, the poorly performing teachers generally are removed from higher-income or higher-performing schools and placed in low-income and low-performing schools.”

Plaintiffs’ expert witness Kane testified that ineffective teachers in LAUSD are disproportionately assigned to African-American and Latino students. According to Kane, Latino and African-American students in LAUSD are, respectively, 68 percent and 43 percent more likely than white students to be taught by a teacher in the lowest
5 percent for effectiveness. Kane testified that this disproportionate distribution “could” be a result of the requirement of determining teacher effectiveness quickly due to the short probationary period, and the difficulties of dismissing ineffective teachers under the dismissal process. Kane further stated that, in a system where tenure decisions are made prematurely and dismissals are difficult to obtain, ineffective teachers will “tend to” accumulate in schools with the most teacher vacancies, which often are those serving Latino and African-American students.

Plaintiffs also presented evidence that schools in some districts serving low- income and minority students have higher proportions of inexperienced teachers and experience more layoffs. Arun Ramanathan, an expert witness retained by plaintiffs and

7

Evidence showed that transfers of poorly performing teachers also had a disproportionate impact on such schools because they tended to have more vacancies.

16

executive director of an organization called Education Trust-West, testified that his organization conducted a study of three large California school districts and found that students attending schools in the highest poverty quartile were 65 percent more likely to experience a teacher layoff than those in the lowest poverty quartile. And Jonathan Raymond, former superintendent of the Sacramento City Unified School District, observed “a constant churn of the faculty and staff” at high-poverty, high-minority schools due to the seniority-based reduction-in-force statute.

4. Teacher assignment decisions
Witnesses called by plaintiffs acknowledged that decisions on how and where to

assign and transfer teachers are made by local administrators, and that such decisions are often influenced by collective bargaining agreements between the districts and the teachers. Some collective bargaining agreements allow certain teachers to choose where they want to teach within a district. Teachers with such an option often choose not to teach at schools predominantly serving low-income and minority children because the schools can have challenging working conditions.

 

B. Defendants’ evidence

 

1. Teacher effectiveness

 
David Berliner, an educational psychologist and professor emeritus from Arizona

State University, testified that in-school effects on children’s achievement were generally overstated when compared to out-of-school effects. Berliner opined that student test scores were rarely under a teacher’s control, and were more often determined by peer- group composition of the group tested, including students’ social class and their parents’ educational level. Berliner estimated that teachers account for approximately 10 percent of variation in aggregate scores, with the remaining 90 percent attributable to other factors. Berliner further stated that VAM was “notoriously unreliable and therefore invalid” in assessing educational outcomes. Under cross-examination, however, Berliner acknowledged that a VAM analysis utilizing four years of data should be able to identify “very bad” teachers. He agreed that a small percentage of teachers—approximately

17

1 to 3 percent—consistently have strong negative effects on student outcomes, regardless of the classroom and school composition.

Linda Darling-Hammond, a professor of education at Stanford University, testified that there were several problems with using test scores as a definitive indicator of a teacher’s effectiveness, including that tests often do not measure the material taught by a teacher, and that test score improvements or declines may be attributable to factors other than the teacher.

 

 

2. Purpose and implementation of the statutes

 
Several witnesses called by defendants testified that, in theory and practice, the

challenged statutes protect teachers from arbitrary discipline and dismissal, and that they promote academic freedom. Jesse Rothstein, a professor of economics and public policy at the University of California, Berkeley, conducted a study regarding effects of the tenure and dismissal statutes, and found that the statutes help districts attract and retain teachers, because the statutes provide job security. Lynda Nichols, an education program consultant with the CDE and a former teacher, testified that during her teaching career, parents complained when she taught about subjects including Islam and Catholicism. Nichols believed that her status as a permanent employee, because it provided job protections, insulated her from potential retribution by parents and the local school board.

 

With regard to the probationary period provided by the tenure statute, Susan Mills, assistant superintendent of personnel for the Riverside Unified School District, testified that the period provided sufficient time to make a permanent employee reelection decision. Other witnesses called by defendants testified consistently. Deasy and Douglas, witnesses called by plaintiffs, stated that if administrators had any doubt about the effectiveness of a teacher prior to reelection, tenure would be refused. Deasy further acknowledged that when LAUSD moved from a “passive” tenure system to an “affirmative” one, requiring a more thorough review of a probationary teacher’s abilities, the rate of tenure dropped from being “virtually automatic” to 50 percent. Darling- Hammond, defendants’ expert witness, opined that the relatively short probationary period forced districts to make reelection decisions quickly, and that lengthening the

18

period could result in highly ineffective probationary teachers remaining in the classroom longer.

 

Multiple school administrators called by defendants testified that, under the dismissal statutory scheme, they are able to remove poorly performing teachers. Robert Fraisse, former superintendent of Laguna Beach Unified School District, Conejo Valley Unified School District, and Hueneme Elementary School District, testified that he was able to use various strategies for resolving dismissals short of the formal dismissal process. These included: letting poorly performing teachers know that there were serious concerns, which often led to resignation; paying a small amount of compensation in return for a resignation; and working with teachers’ associations that could counsel suspect teachers to resign. Other administrators testified that the majority of potential teacher dismissals are resolved through resignation, settlement, retirement, or remediation rather than a CPC hearing.

Records from LAUSD showed that a larger number of teachers resigned to avoid the formal dismissal process than those who elected to go through the process. These records also showed that the number of teachers dismissed or resigning to avoid dismissal increased from a total of 16 in 2005-2006 to a total of 212 in 2012-2013. This change was due in part to an LAUSD policy of initiating the dismissal process whenever a teacher received two below-standard evaluations. From May 2007 through April 2013, LAUSD negotiated 191 settlements to informally resolve dismissal cases, with a total payout of slightly more than $5 million, approximately $26,000 per teacher.

As for the reduction-in-force statute, Fraisse testified that “it is a fair method that is perceived as fair,” and that he was not aware of “a better, more objective system than seniority.”8 Defendants’ expert Rothstein agreed, and believed that there were a number of advantages to a seniority-based system when compared to a performance-based one: it

8

Various witnesses testified that schools had utilized the skipping exception to the seniority requirement found in section 44955, subdivision (d)(1), to retain certain less- senior teachers.

19

was easier and less costly to administer, it allowed teachers to focus on teaching rather than test scores, and it was not subject to dubious evaluations of effectiveness. Other witnesses testified that incorporating effectiveness rankings into layoff decisions would deter cooperation among teachers. Susan Moore Johnson, a professor of education at the Harvard Graduate School of Education, conducted a study of four school districts in other jurisdictions with policies allowing for performance-based layoffs, and found that the districts opted to use seniority instead, because ranking for effectiveness was difficult and contentious.

3. Teacher distribution
Witnesses called by both plaintiffs and defendants testified that decisions on how

and where to assign and transfer teachers are determined by local school district administrators and collective bargaining agreements.

Defendants also presented evidence that societal circumstances pose challenges to the retention and assignment of teachers. According to a 2006 study, 22 percent of new teachers in California leave the profession within their first four years, and according to a 2001 study, the attrition rate nationally is 50 percent greater in high-poverty schools when compared to more affluent ones. Several witnesses stated that difficult working conditions impaired districts’ efforts to recruit or retain experienced teachers at disadvantaged schools. Rothstein testified that, over the past half-century, teacher salaries had fallen a significant amount when compared to jobs requiring a similar degree of educational attainment.

Some districts attempted to address discrepancy between low- and high-income schools by assigning higher performers to lower income schools. Mills, the Riverside assistant superintendent, testified that there was no disparity in teacher quality between schools in her district serving low-income and higher-income students. Part of the reason was that the district tended to assign its “stronger leaders” to the poorer schools. Fraisse testified that during his years at Hueneme Elementary School District in the late 1990’s, the district assigned its “best principals” to the highest-need schools, which encouraged highly effective teachers to migrate to those schools “because of the leadership.”

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V. Statement of decision and judgment

 

On June 10, 2014, the trial court issued a 16-page tentative decision, finding the challenged statutes unconstitutional under the equal protection clause of the California Constitution.

In its decision, the trial court noted that in Serrano v. Priest (1971) 5 Cal.3d 584 (Serrano I) and Serrano v. Priest (1976) 18 Cal.3d 728 (Serrano II), our Supreme Court held education to be a fundamental interest and struck down the then-operative school financing system for violating the equal protection provisions of the California Constitution (Cal. Const., art. IV, § 16; art. I, § 7). (See Serrano II, supra, 18 Cal.3d 728, 776.) The trial court also discussed Butt, in which the Supreme Court held that students in the Richmond Unified School District would be deprived of their right to basic educational equality if the district closed its schools six weeks early due to a budgetary shortfall. (See Butt, supra, 4 Cal.4th 668, 685, 692.) In light of this legal authority, the trial court characterized its task as determining whether the challenged statutes “cause the potential and/or unreasonable exposure of grossly ineffective teachers to all California students in general and to minority and/or low income students in particular, in violation of the equal protection clause of the California Constitution.” Answering this question affirmatively, the court determined that plaintiffs “met their burden of proof on all issues presented.”

The trial court found that competent teachers are a critical component of the success of a child’s educational experience, and that grossly ineffective teachers substantially undermine the ability of a child to succeed in school. It further found that evidence presented at trial on the effects of grossly ineffective teachers was compelling and “shocks the conscience.” The court wrote there was “no dispute” that a significant number of grossly ineffective teachers are active in California classrooms and, based on the testimony of defendants’ expert Berliner, estimated this number to comprise 1 to 3 percent of California teachers—or approximately 2,750 to 8,250 teachers. Based on its determination that the challenged statutes (i) impose a “real and appreciable impact” on students’ fundamental rights to equality of education, and (ii) “impose a disproportionate

21

burden on poor and minority students,” the court employed a “strict scrutiny” examination of the challenged statutes.

 

With respect to the tenure statute, the trial court found “extensive evidence” that the probationary period “does not provide nearly enough time for an informed decision to be made regarding the decision of tenure.” As a result, “teachers are being reelected who would not have been had more time been provided for the process,” and students “are unnecessarily, and for no legally cognizable reason (let alone a compelling one), disadvantaged by the current [tenure statute].” The court determined that defendants had not met their burden under the strict scrutiny standard and declared the tenure statute unconstitutional.

 

Turning to the dismissal statutes, the trial court found that, based on the evidence presented, the dismissal process’s time and costs cause districts to be very reluctant to commence dismissal procedures. Due to this situation, “grossly ineffective teachers are being left in the classroom because school officials do not wish to go through the time and expense to investigate and prosecute these cases.” The court further found that due process for tenured teachers is a legitimate concern, but the dismissal statutes “present the issue of über due process.” In concluding that defendants failed to meet their burden under the strict scrutiny standard, the court wrote: “There is no question that teachers should be afforded reasonable due process when their dismissals are sought. However, based on the evidence before this Court, it finds the current system . . . to be so complex, time consuming and expensive as to make an effective, efficient yet fair dismissal of a grossly ineffective teacher illusory.”

 

Regarding the reduction-in-force statute, the trial court noted it contained no exception based on teacher effectiveness. Therefore, the court found, because the “last- hired” teacher is statutorily mandated to be “first fired” when layoffs occur, students are separated from competent junior teachers while incompetent teachers with seniority remain in the classroom. “The result is classroom disruption on two fronts, a lose-lose situation.” Again, the court found that defendants did not carry their burden under the strict scrutiny test, and deemed the reduction-in-force statute unconstitutional.

 

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Finally, the trial court determined that substantial evidence showed the challenged statutes disproportionately affect poor and/or minority students. Citing to the 2007 CDE report, it found that students attending high-poverty, low-performing schools were far more likely than wealthier peers to attend schools with a disproportionately high number of underqualified, inexperienced, and ineffective teachers. The court further found that the “dance of the lemons”—where poorly performing teachers are transferred from school to school—was caused by the lack of effective dismissal statutes and the reduction-in-force statute, and that it affected high-poverty and minority students disproportionately.

 

After the trial court issued its tentative decision, the parties each requested a statement of decision pursuant to Code of Civil Procedure section 632. In their request, defendants sought rulings on a broad set of subjects, including (i) whether plaintiffs, in bringing an equal protection challenge, were required to prove that the statutes classified students in an unequal manner; (ii) whether plaintiffs were required to prove that the statutes inevitably posed a total and fatal conflict with the right to basic educational equality; and (iii) whether school districts had the authority to decide where teachers would be assigned to teach. The trial court did not respond to these questions, but instead ruled that defendants’ requests for statement of decision were improper because they covered matters going beyond the principal controverted issues at trial. The court ordered that its tentative decision become the proposed statement of decision and judgment. Defendants filed objections to the proposed statement of decision and judgment. The trial court overruled these objections, and issued the final statement of decision and judgment (the judgment) on August 27, 2014.

 

The judgment replicated the earlier-issued tentative decision, concluding that the challenged statutes are unconstitutional. The trial court ordered the statutes enjoined, and stayed all injunctions pending appellate review.

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DISCUSSION

 

I. Key principles

 

 

A. Review

 

The constitutionality of a statute is a question of law, which we review de novo. (Sanchez v. State of California (2009) 179 Cal.App.4th 467, 486 (Sanchez); Bernardo v. Planned Parenthood Federation of America (2004) 115 Cal.App.4th 322, 360.) De novo review is also the general standard of review when a mixed question of law and fact implicates constitutional rights. (People v. Cromer (2001) 24 Cal.4th 889, 894; Silicon Valley Taxpayers’ Assn., Inc. v. Santa Clara County Open Space Authority (2008) 44 Cal.4th 431, 448-449.) Mixed questions of law and fact arise when “‘“historical facts are admitted or established, the rule of law is undisputed, and the issue is whether the facts satisfy the [relevant] statutory [or constitutional] standard, or to put it another way, whether the rule of law as applied to the established facts is or is not violated.”’” (People v. Cromer, supra, 24 Cal.4th at p. 894, quoting Ornelas v. United States (1996) 517 U.S. 690, 696-697, Pullman-Standard v. Swint (1982) 456 U.S. 273, 289, fn. 19.) De novo review is generally appropriate in such circumstances “‘“because usually the application of law to fact will require the consideration of legal concepts and involve the exercise of judgment about the values underlying legal principles.”’” (Haworth v. Superior Court (2010) 50 Cal.4th 372, 385.) To the extent our review requires us to analyze factual determinations based on evidence presented at trial, we review the trial court’s findings of fact for substantial evidence. (Serrano II, supra, 18 Cal.3d 728, 776; Board of Administration v. Wilson (1997) 52 Cal.App.4th 1109, 1127-1130.)

 

As with any legislative act, statutes relating to education are provided a presumption of constitutionality, and doubts are resolved in favor of a finding of validity. (Arcadia Unified School Dist. v. State Dept. of Education (1992) 2 Cal.4th 251, 260 (Arcadia Unified).) Our obligation as the court is to “enforce the limitations that the California Constitution imposes upon legislative measures” and determine if a statute violates constitutional protections. (In re Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th 757, 849- 850.) Policy judgments underlying a statute are left to the Legislature; the judiciary does

24

not pass on the wisdom of legislation. (Estate of Horman (1971) 5 Cal.3d 62, 77 [“Courts do not sit as super-legislatures to determine the wisdom, desirability or propriety of statutes enacted by the Legislature”]; Gassman v. Governing Board (1976) 18 Cal.3d 137, 148; Schabarum v. California Legislature (1998) 60 Cal.App.4th 1205, 1219.)9

 

B. Facial challenge

 

Both plaintiffs and defendants characterize this case—which seeks to enjoin any enforcement of the tenure, dismissal, and reduction-in-force statutes—as a facial challenge to the constitutionality of the subject statutes. “A facial challenge to the constitutional validity of a statute . . . considers only the text of the measure itself, not its application to the particular circumstances of an individual.” (Tobe v. City of Santa Ana (1995) 9 Cal.4th 1069, 1084 (Tobe); see also id. at pp. 1087-1088 [action, which sought to enjoin “any enforcement” of ordinance, was a facial attack].) In contrast, an “as applied” constitutional challenge seeks “relief from a specific application of a facially valid statute or ordinance,” or an injunction against future application of the statute or ordinance in the manner in which it has previously been applied. (Id. at p. 1084; see also Sanchez v. Modesto (2006) 145 Cal.App.4th 660, 665.) A plaintiff seeking to void a statute as a whole for facial unconstitutionality “‘cannot prevail by suggesting that in some future hypothetical situation constitutional problems may possibly arise as to the particular application of the statute . . . . Rather, [the plaintiff] must demonstrate that the act’s provisions inevitably pose a present total and fatal conflict with applicable constitutional prohibitions.’” (Arcadia Unified, supra, 2 Cal.4th 251, 267.) A person may bring a facial challenge by showing that “the subject of [the] particular challenge has the effect of infringing some constitutional or statutory right” (Holmes v. California Nat. Guard (2001) 90 Cal.App.4th 297, 315), but need not necessarily show that he or she has personally suffered this infringement (see ibid.; Arcadia Unified, supra, 2 Cal.4th at

p. 267; In re M.S. (1995) 10 Cal.4th 698, 709-710).

9

The intervener defendants’ request for judicial notice, filed on May 1, 2015, is granted except as to exhibit 3. Plaintiffs’ request for judicial notice, filed on June 24, 2015, is denied except as to exhibits F, K, L, and T.

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Plaintiffs did not attempt to establish that the statutes were applied unconstitutionally to a particular person, the type of challenge made in an as-applied case. (See Tobe, supra, 9 Cal.4th 1069, 1084.) Instead, plaintiffs’ challenge “sought to enjoin any application of the [statutes] to any person in any circumstance.” (See id. at p. 1087.) Plaintiffs’ case, therefore, is properly characterized as a facial challenge.10

C. Equal protection

The right to equal protection is guaranteed by the California Constitution. (Cal. Const., arts. I, § 7, subds. (a), (b), IV, § 16, subd. (a);11 Butt, supra, 4 Cal.4th 668, 678.)

As its name suggests, equal protection of the laws assures that people who are “‘similarly situated for purposes of [a] law’” are generally treated similarly by the law. (Cooley v. Superior Court (2002) 29 Cal.4th 228, 253 (Cooley).) Thus, “‘[t]he first prerequisite to a meritorious claim under the equal protection clause is a showing that the state has adopted a classification that affects two or more similarly situated groups in an unequal manner.’” (Ibid., italics omitted.) The equal protection clause applies to laws that “‘discriminate explicitly between groups of people,’” as well as laws that, “‘though evenhanded on their face, in operation have a disproportionate impact on certain groups.’” (Sanchez, supra, 179 Cal.App.4th 467, 487; see also Arcadia Unified, supra, 2

10

Defendants contend that the 2015 amendments to the dismissal statutes render the plaintiffs’ entire lawsuit moot. A lawsuit does not become moot on appeal when a statutory amendment leaves “a material portion of the statute” untouched. (Californians for Political Reform Foundation v. Fair Political Practices Com. (1998) 61 Cal.App.4th 472, 480.) The 2015 amendments to the dismissal statutes do not impact either the tenure statute or the reduction-in-force statute and do not significantly differ from the dismissal statutes in effect at the time of trial, at least with respect to the claims at issue here. Thus, they do not moot plaintiffs’ case.

11

Article I, section 7, subdivision (a), of the California Constitution provides, in pertinent part, “[a] person may not be . . . denied equal protection of the laws. . . .” Article I, section 7, subdivision (b), provides “[a] citizen or class of citizens may not be granted privileges or immunities not granted on the same terms to all citizens. . . .” Article IV, section 16, subdivision (a), states: “All laws of a general nature have uniform operation.”

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Cal.4th 251, 266 [claim that school transportation fees discriminated against poor may have had merit if not for payment exemption for indigent children]; Hardy v. Stumpf (1978) 21 Cal.3d 1, 7-8 (Hardy) [examining facially neutral physical agility test under equal protection inquiry]; Personnel Administrator of Mass. v. Feeney (1979) 442 U.S. 256 [employing equal protection review of a veterans’ preference statute that operated to the disadvantage of women].)

When a statute affects similarly situated groups in an unequal manner, the court examines whether the Legislature has a constitutionally sufficient reason to treat the groups differently. (In re Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th 757, 831.) One of two standards can apply to this analysis. (Id. at p. 832.) The first, “‘rational relationship’” or “‘rational basis’” review, is “‘“the basic and conventional standard for reviewing economic and social welfare legislation in which there is a ‘discrimination’ or differentiation of treatment between classes or individuals.”’” (Hernandez v. City of Hanford (2007) 41 Cal.4th 279, 298 (Hernandez)). Under this test, a statutory classification will be upheld if it “‘bear[s] some rational relationship to a conceivable legitimate state purpose.’” (California Grocers Assn. v. City of Los Angeles (2011) 52 Cal.4th 177, 209.) The second standard, “‘strict scrutiny’” review, is employed when the “distinction drawn by a statute rests upon a so-called ‘suspect classification’ or impinges upon a fundamental right.” (In re Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th at p. 783.) When a statutory classification impinges a fundamental right (and does not involve a suspect classification), strict scrutiny will apply unless the effect on the fundamental right is merely “incidental,” “marginal,” or “minimal.” (Fair Political Practices Com. v. Superior Court (1979) 25 Cal.3d 33, 47; In re Flodihn (1979) 25 Cal.3d 561, 568; Gould v. Grubb (1975) 14 Cal.3d 661, 670 (Gould).) Under the strict scrutiny standard, “‘“‘“the state bears the burden of establishing not only that it has a compelling interest which justifies the law but that the distinctions drawn by the law are necessary to further its purpose.”’”’” (In re Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th at p. 832; Serrano I, supra,
5 Cal.3d 584, 597.)

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II. Analysis

As explained above, plaintiffs contend that the challenged statutes create an oversupply of grossly ineffective teachers because (i) the tenure statute’s probationary period is too short, preventing the identification of grossly ineffective teachers before the mandated deadline for reelection; (ii) when grossly ineffective tenured teachers are identified, it is functionally impossible to terminate them under the overly burdensome and complicated dismissal statutes; and (iii) when reductions-in-force are required, the statute requires the termination of junior, competent teachers while more senior, grossly ineffective teachers keep their jobs only because they have seniority. Plaintiffs argued, and the trial court agreed, that two distinct classes of students—Group 1 (an “unlucky subset” of students within the population of students at large) and Group 2 (poor and minority students)—were denied equal protection because the challenged statutes led members of these groups to be assigned to grossly ineffective teachers.

We examine whether plaintiffs demonstrated that the challenged statutes cause a certain class of students to suffer an equal protection violation.

A. Group 1: No identifiable class under equal protection analysis

Plaintiffs describe Group 1 as an “unlucky subset” of the general student population that is denied the fundamental right to basic educational equality because students within this subset are assigned to grossly ineffective teachers. According to plaintiffs, the students comprising Group 1 are, in all pertinent respects, similar to the population of students at large, except for their exposure to grossly ineffective teachers. In the judgment, the trial court found that the challenged statutes are unconstitutional because they lead students within Group 1 to be assigned to grossly ineffective teachers and thereby have a real and appreciable impact on these students’ fundamental right of education.

The trial court’s judgment, however, omits analysis of a key preliminary question: Is the unlucky subset of students comprising Group 1 a sufficiently identifiable group for purposes of an equal protection action? “In equal protection analysis, the threshold question is whether the legislation under attack somehow discriminates against an

28

identifiable class of persons. [Citation.] Only then do the courts ask the further question of whether this identifiable group is a suspect class or is being denied some fundamental interest, thus requiring the discrimination to be subjected to close scrutiny.” (Altadena Library Dist. v. Bloodgood (1987) 192 Cal.App.3d 585, 590 (Altadena Library); quoted approvingly in Santa Clara County Local Transportation Authority v. Guardino (1995) 11 Cal.4th 220, 258 (Guardino).)

Here, the unlucky subset is not an identifiable class of persons sufficient to maintain an equal protection challenge. Although a group need not be specifically identified in a statute12 to claim an equal protection violation (see Butt, supra, 4 Cal.4th 668, 673; Somers v. Superior Court (2009) 172 Cal.App.4th 1407, 1414 (Somers)), group members must have some pertinent common characteristic other than the fact that they are assertedly harmed by a statute (see Altadena Library, supra, 192 Cal.App.3d 585, 590-591; Guardino, supra, 11 Cal.4th 220, 258).

The defining characteristic of the Group 1 students, who are allegedly harmed by being assigned to grossly ineffective teachers, is that they are assigned to grossly ineffective teachers. Such a circular premise is an insufficient basis for a proper equal protection claim. (See Nelson v. City of Irvine (9th Cir. 1998) 143 F.3d 1196, 1205 [dismissing an equal protection claim as “tautological” when the defining characteristic of the alleged class harmed was that they were allegedly harmed].) To avoid this circularity, a group must be identifiable by a shared trait other than the violation of a fundamental right.

Plaintiffs argue that a class need only be identifiable when the asserted equal protection violation stems from the differential treatment of a suspect class, rather than the infringement of a fundamental right. For support, they cite Moreno v. Draper (1999)

12

Plaintiffs’ “subset” of students is not identified in the text of the challenged statutes. Rather, the subject of the statutes is teachers and, although the text of the statutes may create classifications on their face, these classifications pertain to teachers: i.e., (i) the tenure statute classifies between probationary and tenured teachers; (ii) the dismissal statutes classify teachers by whether they are facing dismissal hearings; and (iii) the reduction-in-force statute classifies based on teachers’ seniority.

29

70 Cal.App.4th 886, 893 (Moreno). But Moreno does not support their argument. The statute at issue in Moreno, which the plaintiff claimed infringed the fundamental right to raise one’s children, “create[d] two classes of parents paying child support—those with children receiving public assistance and those with children not receiving public assistance.” (Id. at p. 888.) Indeed, every equal protection case based on the infringement of a fundamental right has involved a class identified by some characteristic other than asserted harm. In Butt, the classes were the students of the Richmond Unified School District, who would be harmed by the closing of schools, and the students outside that district. (4 Cal.4th 668, 687.) In the Serrano cases, the impairment of the fundamental right to education was suffered by students living in relatively poor school districts, which had less taxable wealth and therefore, under the then-existent financing systems, lower levels of educational expenditures. In other words, students were impacted by the system based on their residency. (Serrano I, supra, 5 Cal. 3d 584, 592- 595, 614; Serrano II, supra, 18 Cal.3d 728, 756-759, 765-766.) In In re Marriage Cases, the classes were defined by sexual orientation. (43 Cal.4th 757, 839.) And in Gould, which examined the constitutionality of an election procedure affording incumbents the top ballot position, the classes were defined by candidates (and their supporters) listed first on the ballot and those listed later. (14 Cal.3d 661, 664.)

In contrast, the unlucky subset constituting Group 1 is definable only by the characteristic that group members have assertedly suffered constitutional harm. What is more, the statutes do not assist plaintiffs with their definitional deficiency because they do not specify which students will be the “unlucky ones.” In Gould, our Supreme Court held that a system that assigned ballot position randomly would not violate equal protection because, since all candidates had an equal chance of obtaining the top position, it would not “continually work a disadvantage upon a fixed class of candidates.” (14 Cal.3d 661, 676.) The claimed effect on students here is analogous. Under plaintiffs’ Group 1 theory, an unlucky subset of students will inevitably be assigned to grossly ineffective teachers. The chance that this will happen to any individual student, however, is random, as the challenged statutes do not make any one student more likely to be

30

assigned to a grossly ineffective teacher than any other student. Thus, the unlucky subset is nothing more than a random assortment of students. Moreover, because (according to the trial court’s findings) approximately 1 to 3 percent of California teachers are grossly ineffective, a student in the unlucky subset one year will likely not be the next year, meaning that the group is subject to constant flux.

The claimed unlucky subset, therefore, is not an identifiable class sufficient to maintain an equal protection claim, and the judgment, insofar as it is based on plaintiffs’ Group 1 theory, cannot be affirmed.

B. Group 2: No inevitable constitutional violation

The trial court also found that poor and minority students (Group 2) suffered disproportionate harm from being assigned to grossly ineffective teachers. Race is generally considered a “suspect classification” under equal protection analysis.13 (See
In re Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th 757, 843; Weber v. City Council (1973) 9 Cal.3d 950, 959.) In the context of education, under California law, wealth is considered a suspect classification as well. (See Serrano I, supra, 5 Cal.3d 584, 617; Serrano II, supra, 18 Cal.3d 728, 766.) Based on its finding of disproportionate harm, the trial court determined that strict scrutiny of the challenged statutes was appropriate. In making this determination, however, the trial court bypassed an initial question of the required analysis: Did the challenged statutes cause low-income and minority students to be disproportionately assigned to grossly ineffective teachers?

A statute is facially unconstitutional when the constitutional violation flows “inevitably” from the statute, not the actions of the people implementing it. (Pacific

13

Some cases have held that strict scrutiny only applies to a facially neutral statute that has a disproportionate impact on members of minority groups if discriminatory purpose or intent is shown. (See Manduley v. Superior Court (2002) 27 Cal.4th 537, 568-569; Sanchez, supra, 179 Cal.App.4th 467, 487.) When such a statute impinges a fundamental right, however, strict scrutiny will apply, irrespective of motive or intent. (See Crawford v. Board of Education (1976) 17 Cal.3d 280, 297; Hardy, supra, 21 Cal.3d 1, 7-8.)

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Legal Foundation v. Brown (1981) 29 Cal.3d 168, 180-181; Arcadia Unified, supra, 2 Cal.4th 251, 267.) This can occur when (1) the text of the statute mandates the constitutional violation (see Serrano I, supra, 5 Cal.3d 584, 603 [noting how the unequal “school funding scheme is mandated in every detail by the California Constitution and statutes”]); or (2) the constitutional violation, while not mandated by the statute’s text, “inevitably” flows from the statute regardless of the actions of those administering it (see Serrano II, supra, 18 Cal.3d 728, 768-769 [noting how, in light of property-tax based school funding scheme, a poor school district “cannot freely choose to tax itself into an excellence . . .”]; Serrano I, supra, 5 Cal.3d 584, 611 [same]; Sanchez, supra, 179 Cal.App.4th 467, 487 [equal protection concerns apply to textually neutral law that has disproportionate impact]).

It is clear that the challenged statutes here, by only their text, do not inevitably cause poor and minority students to receive an unequal, deficient education. With respect to students, the challenged statutes do not differentiate by any distinguishing characteristic, including race or wealth.

Plaintiffs still could have demonstrated a facial equal protection violation, however, by showing that the challenged statutes, regardless of how they are implemented, inevitably cause poor and minority students to be provided with an education that is not “basically equivalent to” their more affluent and/or white peers.
(See Butt, supra, 4 Cal.4th 668, 685.) It is possible, though not certain, that plaintiffs could have made such a showing by proving that any implementation of the statutes inevitably resulted in the consequential assignment of disproportionately high numbers of grossly inefficient teachers to schools predominantly serving low-income and minority students.14

14

We need not determine whether or how plaintiffs would actually meet their ultimate burden by such a hypothetical showing. The “exacting” standard for a facial constitutional challenge requires a showing of a constitutional defect “in at least ‘“the generality”’ [citation] or ‘vast majority’ of cases [citation].” (Today’s Fresh Start, Inc. v. Los Angeles County Office of Education (2013) 57 Cal.4th 197, 218.) Because plaintiffs

32

No such showing was made. Instead, the evidence at trial firmly demonstrated that staffing decisions, including teacher assignments, are made by administrators, and that the process is guided by teacher preference, district policies, and collective bargaining agreements. This evidence is consistent with the process set forth in the Education Code, which grants school district superintendents the power to assign teachers to specific schools or to transfer teachers between schools within a district, subject to conditions imposed by collective bargaining agreements, district policies, and by statute. (See § 35035, subds. (a), (e), (f).) Further, the evidence at trial showed what the text of the challenged statutes makes clear—that the challenged statutes do not in any way instruct administrators regarding which teachers to assign to which schools. Thus, it is administrative decisions (in conjunction with other factors), and not the challenged statutes, that determine where teachers are assigned throughout a district.

The trial court’s conclusions do not support a contrary finding. In determining that the challenged statutes disproportionately affect Group 2 students, the trial court
(i) cited to a CDE report stating that students attending high-poverty, low-performing schools are far more likely than wealthier peers to attend schools with a high number of underqualified, inexperienced, and ineffective teachers, and (ii) found that the “dance of the lemons” is caused by the lack of effective dismissal statutes and the reduction-in- force statute, and that it affects high-poverty and minority students disproportionately. Neither of these findings supports a conclusion that the challenged statutes determine where grossly ineffective teachers work. The CDE report relied on by the court does not suggest that the challenged statutes cause disparities in the assignment of poor or minority students to grossly ineffective teachers. Instead, it repeatedly documents the reason for higher concentrations of ineffective teachers in schools serving such students—the “counterproductive hiring and placement practices” of local administrators. Nor did the trial evidence show the “dance of the lemons” is inevitably caused by the

did not demonstrate any facial constitutional defect, they certainly did not show that such a defect existed in the generality or vast majority of cases.

33

statutes. Instead, as described at trial, the dance of the lemons is a process driven by local administrators. According to trial testimony, some principals rid their schools of highly ineffective teachers by transferring them to other schools, often to low-income schools. This phenomenon is extremely troubling and should not be allowed to occur, but it does not inevitably flow from the challenged statutes, and therefore cannot provide the basis for a facial challenge to the statutes. (See Tobe, supra, 9 Cal.4th 1069, 1102 [ordinance that did not inevitably conflict with constitutional right was not subject to valid facial challenge].)

Plaintiffs contend that the testimony of their expert witnesses supports their position that the challenged statutes cause grossly ineffective teachers to be disproportionately assigned to schools with large low-income and minority populations. These witnesses opined that grossly ineffective teachers “tend to” accumulate in schools serving minority students, and that the challenged statutes “could” be a cause. We are not required to defer to expert opinion regarding the ultimate issue in a case, particularly when the issue is a predominantly legal mixed question of law and fact. (See Summers v. A. L. Gilbert Co. (1999) 69 Cal.App.4th 1155, 1178 [“There are limits to expert testimony, not the least of which is the prohibition against admission of an expert’s opinion on a question of law”].) In any event, these opinions do not sustain plaintiffs’ burden. The first opinion does not explain why grossly ineffective teachers “tend to” accumulate at certain schools, and the second opinion only indicates the statutes “could be” a cause, not that they are or, more importantly, inevitably are.

Nor have plaintiffs demonstrated that the challenged statutes inevitably lead to greater disruption at schools serving poor and minority students during reductions-in- force. Plaintiffs presented evidence that certain schools serving these students have higher numbers of inexperienced teachers and go through more layoffs than other schools. Witnesses for plaintiffs testified that this “constant churn” of staff is destabilizing. Again, while plaintiffs have identified a troubling problem, they have not properly targeted the cause. The challenged statutes do not inevitably lead to the assignment of more inexperienced teachers to schools serving poor and minority children.

34

Rather, assignments are made by administrators and are heavily influenced by teacher preference and collective bargaining agreements.

It is possible that the challenged statutes—in the way they pertain to teacher tenure and seniority—lead to a higher number of grossly ineffective teachers being in the educational system than a hypothetical alternative statutory scheme would. This possibility may present a problem with policy, but it does not, in itself, give rise to an equal protection violation, which requires a classification affecting similarly situated groups in an unequal manner. (Cooley, supra, 29 Cal.4th 228, 253.)

Assuming that poor and minority students encounter more grossly ineffective teachers and that this impacts their constitutional right to “basic educational equality” (Butt, supra, 4 Cal.4th 668, 681), the constitutional infringement is the product of staffing decisions, not the challenged statutes. Even if the statutes were struck down, the harm at issue—the disproportionate assignment of inferior teachers to poor and minority students—could still occur as before. (Any system will have some teachers who are not as effective as others.) And, since the challenged statutes, on their face and in effect, do not dictate where teachers are assigned, declaring the statutes facially unconstitutional would not prevent administrators from assigning the worst teachers to schools serving poor and minority students.

In sum, the evidence presented at trial highlighted likely drawbacks to the current tenure, dismissal, and layoff statutes, but it did not demonstrate a facial constitutional violation. The evidence also revealed deplorable staffing decisions being made by some local administrators that have a deleterious impact on poor and minority students in California’s public schools. The evidence did not show that the challenged statutes inevitably cause this impact. Plaintiffs elected not to target local administrative decisions and instead opted to challenge the statutes themselves. This was a heavy burden and one plaintiffs did not carry. The trial court’s judgment declaring the statutes unconstitutional, therefore, cannot be affirmed.

Peter Greene analyzed the lawsuit filed in Minnesota against teacher tenure, a copycat Vergara lawsuit.

 

The same arguments about lazy teachers, incompetent teachers, harm to minority children, etc. are offered in Minnesota, as they are in New York, and they are as groundless there as the court ruled they are in California today.

 

In California, the lawsuit was filed by “Students Matter,” an organization that consists of Silicon Valley zillionaire David Welch.

 

Greene finds a familiar lineup of groups and funders in Minnesota:

 

The anti-tenure lawsuit is funded by the usual suspects– the Partnership for Education Justice (funded by the Walton family and Eli Broad), and Students for Education Reform (an astroturf group used as a front by Education Reform Now, the lobbying brother of Democrats for Education Reform, an astroturf group of hedge funders which is also heavily funded by Broad and Walton)….

 

Look– there are plenty of legitimate conversations to be had about teacher job protections, hiring and firing practices, etc. But this lawsuit, like Vergara in California and Campbell Brown’s lawsuit in NY, is not an attempt to have that conversation. It’s simply an attempt to break the teachers’ union and destroy teacher job protections so that teaching staff costs can be kept low and teachers themselves can be cowed and bullied into silence and compliance.

 

Put another way, this is not remotely pro-student, and is strictly anti-teacher. It’s thick-sliced unvarnished baloney, and the fact that it is an attack on teachers is bad enough, but in attacking teachers, it also leaves unquestioned the attacks on student facilities, schools and resources, while trying to make conditions inside schools that much worse. It’s cynical, it’s destructive, and it’s just plain mean. Let’s hope this doesn’t drag over another few years to another lousy conclusion.

 

The “Partnership for Education Justice” is Campbell Brown’s organization, which rails against unions and tenure. It filed a lawsuit in New York as well. Brown has long contended that tenure and unions protect sexual predators in the schools, although state laws give grounds to remove sexual predators promptly.

The Vergara decision, intended to eliminate teacher tenure and seniority, was unanimously reversed by the California appeals court.

 

The decision by the high court reverses the 2014 decision by Superior Court Judge Rudolph Treu, which claimed that tenure violated the rights of minority children. The Treu decision relied heavily on testimony by Raj Chetty. The Treu decision was strongly opposed by teachers’ unions.

 

Just days ago, former TV commentator Campbell Brown filed a Vergara-style lawsuit in Minnesota. She and her financial backers had previously filed a similar suit in New York.

 

The attack on teacher tenure was part of the larger corporate reform effort to cripple teachers’ unions and to make it easy to fire teachers without due process.