Archives for category: Broad Foundation

A reader from Oregon explains the destructive consequences of choice. School choice has been a goal of the right for decades and is now embraced by the Obama administration:

“For US education to thrive, charters must go.

“Some Win, Some Lose with Open Enrollment”. The headline in the Eugene, Oregon Register-Guard may seem like an occasion for joy to the winning school districts but, really, it is just terribly sad for all of us. Open enrollment across district lines is the latest and most extreme version of a school choice movement that is on a trajectory to split public education in two – one set of schools for the haves and the other for those left behind.

School choice is probably the most popular of the signature elements of the current school reform movement – and is there any reason why alternative and charter schools shouldn’t be popular? They house some of the best teachers and some of the most innovative programs; they have more opportunities for enrichment because they are exempt from many of the requirements faced by regular schools; and the parents are more involved and more able to donate time and money – the last not because they care more about their kids. Rather it is because the parents need to be able to provide transportation and often are required to agree to levels of involvement not possible for families without a car and a stay-at-home parent.

The result: one set of schools with wealthier, less diverse students and fewer kids with special needs; the other serving children more diverse in ethnicity, income and educational needs (with fewer resources and more requirements). Public education was supposed to be the great equalizer, an inclusive, welcoming place that gives all kids a chance to climb the ladder of success. But current trends create a de facto tracking system based on socioeconomic status.

Of course we’ve always had school choice. Through the 1960s the choice was public or private. Over the last few decades, however, public school districts created alternative and charter schools and encouraged them to draw their students from the surrounding neighborhood schools. In a Darwinian battle the schools would compete for students with the best schools thriving and good riddance to the losers. It is really hard to believe that school “reformers” didn’t foresee the result: the non-charters left with the most needy kids, fewer resources and, inevitably, failure.

The fact that public alternatives and charters have many good teachers and leaders and involved parents is, itself, the strongest argument against public charters and alternatives. Those are the very resources needed by neighborhood schools to make them what they need to be. And it isn’t even a zero-sum game – it’s negative-sum. Services are duplicated and shifting enrollments make long-range planning impossible.

The parents of students who choose schools outside their neighborhoods are not the problem – good parents will always look for the best available school for their children. The teachers and administrators in those schools are not the problem – many of them are among the best. The problem is the system that sends parents school shopping in the first place.

It is a system that takes advantage of the parental instinct to provide our children with the best possible education. You don’t have to be a public school hater to participate; school shopping has become a mark of good parenting for parents of all persuasions. “I can’t send my daughter to the neighborhood school,” said one mom recently. “Those parents aren’t involved.” And, sadly, what used to be a myth is creating a reality as parents like her opt out of their neighborhood schools.

If, as I suggest, we are to end most school choice, it is important to be sure that we are sending our kids to excellent neighborhood schools. To be honest, part of the reason parents have been so willing to drive their kids across town (or now to a different town) is that some neighborhood schools had become rigid, take-it-or-leave-it, hostile-to-change institutions. Parents with concerns or questions were considered pests. Though they can’t be all things to all people, our neighborhood schools need to be what many already are; nimble, responsive, welcoming neighborhood centers providing an outstanding education to all kids.

The successful innovations that charter and alternative schools have devised wouldn’t be wasted. They – including language immersion – can and should be applied in the neighborhood schools. And charters and alternatives that step up to meet the needs of high school students when regular high schools are unable to do so should be allowed to keep working with, rather than competing against, the mainstream schools.

It is a cliché that if you are attacked from both sides of an issue, you are probably correct. But school “reform” seems to call for a corollary: if there is agreement on an issue from both sides of the aisle, it must be wrong. It is truly mind-boggling that free-market educational policies – so obviously counterproductive, ineffective and unsustainable – are supported by both Democrats and Republicans. The deck may be stacked against us but if we are truly committed to equity, diversity and efficiency in our public schools we’ll need keep working to convince officials, parents and educators that it is essential that we stop this suicidal intra- and inter-district competition, phase out school shopping and bring back new and improved versions of the centers of our neighborhoods – our schools.

Jim Watson, Eugene, Oregon

Readers may recall that an organization called Parent Revolution led the battle for a “parent trigger” law in California in 2010. Parent Revolution is funded by Gates, Broad and Walton foundations.

Earlier this year, Parent Revolution worked with parents in Adelanto, California, to take over low-performing Desert Trails elementary school. Some parents wanted to rescind their signatures from the petition to take over the school, but the judge would not permit them to do so. The parents who did not sign the petition were not allowed to vote on choosing a charter operator.

When it was time to select a charter school, only 53 parents in a school of more than 600 children cast a ballot.

In one of the strangest twists in the parent trigger case in Adelanto, the five leaders of the parent trigger action sued the district for $100,000, even though all their legal costs were handled pro bono. According to this article, the parents plan to split their winnings.

Jersey Jazzman reports on a massive dump of emails about Mark Zuckerberg’s gift of $100 million to “save” Newark’s schools. The emails were released on Christmas Eve, with the expectation that no one would notice them. There never was any expectation that much of the money would reach the children of Newark. A big chunk has been used to pay consultants, but the largest portion is being applied to underwrite merit pay in the Newark teachers’ contract. This will make that contract a national model, but only if Mark Zuckerberg is willing to pony up billions of his personal wealth to fund merit pay everywhere else.

Read this post. It shows the reformers acting about as cynical and cravenly political as anything you are likely to read for a long time. And don’t forget, as you try to imagine where that $100 million is going, “it’s for the children”

This is a message for corporate reformers from Katie Osgood.

I hope it will be read carefully by the folks at Democrats for Education Reform, Stand for Children, ALEC, Teach for America, Education Reform Now, StudentsFirst, the Gates Foundation, the Walton Foundation, the Broad Foundation, the Dell Foundation, Bellweather Partners, the Thomas B. Fordham Institute, the Heartland Institute, the NewSchools Venture Fund, and, of course, the U.S. Department of Education.

Please forgive me if I inadvertently left your name off the list of the reform movement. If I did, read it anyway.

Katie Osgood teaches children in a psychiatric hospital in Chicago. She knows a lot about how children fail, how they suffer, and how our institutions and policies fail them.

Please read her short essay. Help it go viral if you can.

Sarah Darer Littman has a good idea. She thinks that journalists in Connecticut should do investigative journalism and not just write what they find in the press release.

Case in point: the recent gift of $5 million from the Gates foundation to Hartford schools.

Littman calls the grant a Trojan horse because it commits the district to adopt practices that the foundation favors. These will be costly, such as a specific, expensive assessment system.

There was a time when foundations actually made gifts. They gave the recipient X dollars to do what the recipient wanted to do. It’s different now. Now the foundation decides what the recipient ought to do, and offers money to carry out the foundation’s wishes.

In some cases, the foundation offers a recipient $100,000 to do something that will eventually cost the school district millions of dollars.

The great puzzle is why so many school districts line up and ask for the money.

Massachusetts’ Governor Deval Patrick has selected Matthew H. Malone as the new state superintendent of education.

Malone has had an interesting past decade.

He is a graduate of the unaccredited Broad Superintendents Academy, class of 2003, which is a worrisome sign as Broadies tend to be lightning rods and alienate the communities they are supposed to serve.

He is currently superintendent in Brockton, Massachusetts, where the town board recently voted 5-2 not to renew his contract. Reportedly, they were annoyed that he never took up residence in the district and had failed to conduct routine criminal checks on employees.

He was superintendent in Swampscott, Massachusetts, where the union passed a no-confidence vote of 138-6 against him. The board quickly responded with a vote of full confidence in Malone.

On the plus side, he opposed the opening of a charter school in 2008 in Brockton on grounds that the charter would cherry-pick students and drain the budget of the public schools.

When the charter proposal was revived in 2012, Malone again led the opposition. If approved, the charter will be run by for-profit SABIS.

If Malone is willing to stem the privatization tide, he will be a good state commissioner. He will be even better if he figures out how to work cooperatively with the state’s teachers and local school boards. I hope he keeps front and center the fact that public education in Massachusetts is a great success story. The hard-working professionals need appreciation, and the public needs to hear it.

The New Jersey Star-Ledger published news of a secret agreement that was leaked to the paper.

The state of New Jersey entered into an agreement with the Broad Foundation to meet the foundation’s demands; the money awarded to the state is available only so long as Governor Chris Christie remains in office.

This suggests that New Jersey has outsourced its education policy to the Los Angeles-based Broad Foundation. The foundation is known for its desire to control its grantees, but the idea of controlling a large northeastern state seems audacious indeed.

A crazy idea, but then the state’s Acting Commissioner of Education Chris Cerf is a graduate of the unaccredited Broad Superintendents Academy, as are a few other of the state’s superintendents.

Remember when we thought that the policies of the public schools were determined by the citizens of the district or the state?

Joanne Barkan has written an excellent summary of how public education fared in the recent elections.

Barkan knows how to follow the money. Her article “Got Dough?” showed the influence of the billionaires on education policy.

She begins her analysis of the 2012 elections with this overview of Barack Obama’s embrace of GOP education dogma:

“Barack Obama’s K-12 “reform” policies have brought misery to public schools across the country: more standardized testing, faulty evaluations for teachers based on student test scores, more public schools shut down rather than improved, more privately managed and for-profit charter schools soaking up tax dollars but providing little improvement, more money wasted on unproven computer-based instruction, and more opportunities for private foundations to steer public policy. Obama’s agenda has also fortified a crazy-quilt political coalition on education that stretches from centrist ed-reform functionaries to conservatives aiming to undermine unions and privatize public schools to right-wingers seeking tax dollars for religious charters. Mitt Romney’s education program was worse in only one significant way: Romney also supported vouchers that allow parents to take their per-child public-education funding to private schools, including religious schools.”

Barkan’s analysis shows significant wins for supporters of public education–the upset of uber-reformer Tony Bennett in Indiana, the repeal of the Luna laws in Idaho, and the passage of a tax increase in California–and some significant losses–the passage of charter initiatives in Georgia and Washington State.

The interesting common thread in many of the key elections was the deluge of big money to advance the anti-public education agenda.

Even more interesting is how few people put up the big money. If Barkan were to collate a list of those who contributed $10,000 or more to these campaigns, the number of people on the list would be very small, maybe a few hundred. If the list were restricted to $20,000 or more, it would very likely be fewer than 50 people, maybe less.

This tiny number of moguls is buying education policy in state after state. How many have their own children in the schools they seek to control? Probably none.

The good news is that they don’t win every time. The bad news is that their money is sometimes sufficient to overwhelm democratic control of public education.

The new leadership of the Dallas Independent School District loves positive thinking.

On this blog, we earlier reported that the superintendent, a graduate of the unaccredited Broad Superintendents Avademy, had hired a public relations team to write power words and power phrases for the staff. If asked what they thought of the new administration, the PR team crafted an upbeat response.

Now we learn that an administrator has asked teachers at every school to write a tiny essay on the good things happening at their school. No suggestion box here for ideas on how to improve, just happy talk.

Can any parent trust what teachers or principals say when they are under orders to spew happy talk and positive spin? Will problems be acknowledged or hidden?

Are candor and honesty really that threatening? Can adults teach honesty to children if they are forbidden to speak honestly by their boss?

Last week, voters in Michigan repealed the state’s draconian emergency manager law, which allowed a hand-picked appointee of the governor to abolish public education in financially stressed districts. In two of those districts, the emergency manager turned the children over to for-profit charter chains.

To compensate for the repeal, the Legislature in Michigan plans to expand the powers of the Achievement Authority Chancellor. The Achievement Authority is a non-contiguous district into which the state will cluster all low-performing schools. It is currently headed by John Covington, who was trained by the unaccredited Broad Superintendents Academy. Covington previously served as superintendent of Kansas City, where he proposed to close half the district’s public schools but resigned on short notice to take the higher-profile job in Michigan. Soon after his departure, Kansas City lost its state accreditation.

Under the new law, if it passes, Covington will have a free hand with the state’s lowest performing schools.

He will be the czar of the largest school district in the state of Michigan.

What will Covington do? Stay tuned.

The new law will wipe out all rights that employees previously had:

(B) A COLLECTIVE BARGAINING AGREEMENT APPLICABLE TO EMPLOYEES
16  WORKING AT THE PUBLIC SCHOOL BEFORE THE IMPOSITION OF THE
17  ALTERNATIVE SCHOOL INTERVENTION MODEL SHALL NOT APPLY TO PERSONNEL
18  AT THE PUBLIC SCHOOL AFTER THE IMPOSITION OF THE ALTERNATIVE SCHOOL
19  INTERVENTION MODEL.

20  (C) AN EMPLOYEE WORKING AT THE PUBLIC SCHOOL AFTER THE
21  IMPOSITION OF THE ALTERNATIVE SCHOOL INTERVENTION MODEL WHO WAS
22  PREVIOUSLY EMPLOYED BY THE SCHOOL DISTRICT OTHER THAN THE STATE
23  REFORM DISTRICT THAT PREVIOUSLY OPERATED THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SHALL
24  NOT ACCRUE SENIORITY RIGHTS IN THE SCHOOL DISTRICT OR ACCRUE
25  CREDITABLE SERVICE UNDER THE PUBLIC SCHOOL EMPLOYEES RETIREMENT ACT
26  OF 1979, 1980 PA 300, MCL 38.1301 TO 38.1437, WHILE WORKING AT THE
27  PUBLIC SCHOOL AFTER THE IMPOSITION OF THE ALTERNATIVE SCHOOL