Archives for the month of: June, 2020

Alexandra Petri is the brilliant satirist for The Washington Post. She wrote this column, titled: “The Greeks Are Gone from Troy, for Sure,” by Mike Pence.


“In recent days, the media has taken to sounding the alarm bells over a ‘second wave’ of coronavirus infections. Such panic is overblown. Thanks to the leadership of President Trump and the courage and compassion of the American people, our public health system is far stronger than it was four months ago, and we are winning the fight against the invisible enemy.”

— Vice President Pence in “There Isn’t a Coronavirus ‘Second Wave,’” Wall Street Journal

In recent days, Cassandra has taken to sounding the alarm bells over a “second wave” of Greek attack that will soon come sweeping over us like the wrath of Poseidon and leave our city in ruins. Such panic is overblown. (Although, technically, “panic” is fear induced by the god Pan, so really this is not even panic at all. But whatever it is, it is overblown.)

Thanks to the leadership of King Priam and the courage and compassion of the Trojan people, our walled city is far stronger and even less pregnable than it was nine years ago, and we have won the fight against the Greeks. And if you doubt that, just look at this enormous and beautifully constructed wooden horse they have left for us, which is definitely not hollow and will absolutely not be filled with handpicked soldiers ready to pour out and devastate our city.

The Laocoöns and Cassandras are full of negativity about this horse. At least, I think that was what Laocoön was saying before he was seized mid-sentence and crushed to death by sea serpents, along with his two sons! Probably a sign that what he was saying was not important. And when has Cassandra ever been right about anything?

The point is: The war has been a great success. And I can’t think of anyone better to have led us through it than King Priam. Yes, we have had losses, but ultimately we were victorious. That is what this horse means. We should seize it and be grateful.

Looking back, everything the king did was good. It was good, actually, that he put his sons in charge of everything, Hector, Paris — even Deiphobus. Hector was — how do I put this? — godlike. And so good at taming horses. We all miss him. And we even miss Paris, who actually turned out to be kind of helpful and, seemingly by random chance, managed to kill Achilles! I would think that shooting someone in the heel with an arrow would actually be a sign that you were just hitting body parts at random and not very good at what you were doing. But no, it was brilliant strategy! Which is what we have had throughout. And Deiphobus is here, too!

When King Priam asked me to chair our Get the Greeks to Leave and Destroy Their Champion Achilles Task Force nine years ago (Hector was busy), he directed us to pursue not only a Whole-of-the-House-of-Priam approach but a Whole-of-Troy approach. And now that the Greeks have left, spontaneously, I think, I can look back on that task force and see everything we did as a success. It must have been the partnerships I forged, or perhaps it was the weapons I forged. Maybe it was our alliance with the warlike Amazons, a match for men that put us over the top. (Jeff Bezos, the founder and chief executive of Amazon, owns The Washington Post.)

We’ve also made great progress on developing a device that will keep the Greeks out of here forever. Operation Wind-Swift-Footed Iris is aiming to have a technology that will shroud our city in something even better than Apollo’s protection — though what, really, could be better than that? I hope this wasn’t blasphemy.
I know we have asked the Trojan people to make sacrifices, like not leaving this walled city because there were Greeks outside, something that, amazingly, a few people were unwilling to do but most of you have been great about. But the time for sacrifices is over, except in the sense that we need to make a literal sacrifice to thank the gods for their protection.

Now is the time to bring in the horse and commemorate this achievement. We have defeated this visible enemy, which was also sometimes invisible because the gods are tricky.

Look, we can test the horse, if you like, but I think testing just makes it more likely you will find out information that makes you unhappy, and that is the last thing we need in our moment of triumph. But sure, have Helen walk around the horse calling out in the voices of the Greeks’ loved ones, just in case! Knock yourself out! I am sure the worst is over.

This is a time of celebration, and I think we can all sleep soundly in our beds. And I, for one, will sleep better once we get that horse inside. Congratulations, people of Troy.

Recently there have been public debates about which statues should be removed, if any, and which should remain. The question naturally arises: where to draw the line? Eugene Robinson, columnist for the Washington Post, addresses that question here.

He writes:

The solution to the problem of Confederate memorials is simple: Tear them down, all of them. If a few must be left standing for practical reasons — the gigantic carvings on Stone Mountain outside Atlanta come to mind — authorities should allow them to be appropriately defaced, like the graffiti-scrawled remnants of the Berlin Wall.

The question of monuments to other white supremacists is more complicated, but it’s still not rocket science. As a society, we’re perfectly capable of deciding together which must go and which can stay. This supposed “slippery slope” isn’t really slippery at all.

There is no earthly reason any of this nation’s public spaces should be defiled by statuary honoring generals, soldiers and politicians who were traitors, who took up arms against their country, who did so to perpetuate slavery, and who — this is an important point — were losers.

This was clear even to Robert E. Lee, who opposed such monuments. “I think it wiser,” he wrote in 1869, declining an invitation to help decide where to erect memorials at Gettysburg, “not to keep open the sores of war but to follow the examples of those nations who endeavored to obliterate the marks of civil strife, to commit to oblivion the feelings engendered.”

Lee understood that the South had lost and slavery was gone. Most Confederate memorials were erected decades later, when white Southerners were reestablishing their repressive dominion over African Americans through the imposition of Jim Crow laws and a state-sponsored campaign of terrorism led by the Ku Klux Klan.

The Confederate monument in my hometown, Orangeburg, S.C., was dedicated in 1893. It is a statue of a rebel soldier atop a tall column, and the inscription, attributed to “the women of Orangeburg County” — though presumably only the white ones — calls it “a grateful tribute to the brave defenders of our rights, our honor and our homes.” The “rights” in question were to own human beings, including my ancestors, and compel their uncompensated labor. The point of erecting the monument was to reassert those “rights.” If the statue is a homage to anything, it’s hate. Take it down.

“Oh, but you’re erasing history,” defenders of such memorials always say. Nonsense. The monuments themselves are an attempt to rewrite history and assert white supremacy. Put them in some sort of Museum of Shame, if you must, but get them out of the public square.

“Oh, but if you start toppling statues, where does it all end?” defenders wail, rending their garments. This is not a hard problem to solve: It ends where we, as a nation, decide to draw the line between those historical figures who deserve to be so honored and those who do not.

There is an obvious difference between George Washington and Thomas Jefferson, who founded our union, and, say, Jefferson Davis and Stonewall Jackson, who tried to destroy it. The fact that Washington, Jefferson and other early presidents owned slaves should temper our admiration for them but not erase it entirely. They gave us a nation grotesquely disfigured by slavery, but they also gave us the constitutional tools, and the high-minded ideals, with which to heal that original, near-fatal flaw.

Davis, Jackson and the rest of the Confederates gave us war, destruction and suffering, all in the service of white supremacy and African American subjugation. They deserve nothing but our eternal scorn.

White Southerners who consider the memorials a matter of “heritage” should realize that many Americans have ancestors who made poor choices. Like the Germans of the Third Reich, they merit familial respect but not public honor.

What about non-Confederate historical figures who were white supremacists? If every statue of a racist were taken down, we’d mostly have empty pediments and plinths. It should depend on the person, the context and the memorial itself.

A good example is the statue of Theodore Roosevelt outside the American Museum of Natural History in New York, which Mayor Bill de Blasio (D) announced will soon be taken down. The problem is not Roosevelt himself. He was relatively enlightened for his times: He invited civil rights leader Booker T. Washington to dine at the White House, for which he was pilloried. And he did much to preserve wildlife (when he wasn’t shooting it) and our natural wonders.

The problem is the statuary itself. Roosevelt is astride a horse, and flanking him — on foot, thus beneath the great man — are a Native American man on one side and an African man on the other. The tableau amounts to a visual parable of white supremacy.

We put statues in places of honor to depict our heroes and our values. Overt racism is not an idea we honor — not in relationships and not in bronze and marble. Not anymore.

Peter Greene explains here how Trump came to Betsy DeVos’ rescue when Congress tried to stop her from punishing students who had been scammed by predatory colleges.

DeVos wanted to withdraw an Obama-era program that helped students who incurred debts to fraudulent colleges. A court intervened to stop her. DeVos considers the students buried by debt to be free-loaders. Congress rebuked DeVos in a rare bipartisan vote. Trump issued his very first veto, simultaneously supporting DeVos and rejecting the thousands of students who had been defrauded.

This is outrageous.

Back to court.

David Pettiette is a CPA who volunteered at a KIPP elementary school in Memphis. He was shocked when two KIPP schools suddenly closed their doors and left their families scrambling for a new school.

He wrote:

In April, it was announced that KIPP Memphis Preparatory Elementary and KIPP Memphis Preparatory Middle on Corry Road would be permanently closing without notice. Between the two schools, over 650 students have been displaced without so much as a plan or opportunity to rebut the decision.

The decision to close a school in an underserved community is not uncommon. It is however a decision that is typically given six months to a year’s notice, not April of the current school year. The Knowledge is Power Program (KIPP) is the largest network of public charter schools in the nation, with several schools in Memphis. With that size apparently comes unprecedented autonomy considering the schools’ primary funding is local and state money.

In an effort to limit bad press, KIPP offered a Q&A conference call to address the school closures so that the community’s voices could be heard. However, this session, which did not provide any A’s or responses from KIPP, was yet another unthoughtful decision made by the organization and proved to be an unsuitable forum.

Many families had trouble accessing the call due to technical difficulties generated from the third-party conferencing system used. The call itself went just about as you’d expect. It opened with two pre-recorded statements from KIPP’s board of directors and regional team, which were both vague and painfully insincere.

The comments from parents and staff were anxious, frustrated and morose –a wide variety of emotions. While listening to the call, I couldn’t help but think that the occasion warranted a more personal approach.

In reality, KIPP gave up. They gave up on their students, families, faculty and staff after only a few years of operation. Make no mistake, this was a financial decision that is inequitable to the historic Alcy Ball community in South Memphis.

KIPP cited a “failure to fulfill academic promise” which resulted in the closures, and the only excuse provided for the late notice was that they did not want to mislead the schools’ key stakeholders regarding their future.

This was a cheap and inaccurate shot at the integrity of the teachers and faculty, who spent money out of their own pockets to make sure that their students were adequately clothed, fed and supplied.

At the end of the day this decision is not what is best for the kids, who should have been KIPP’s only focus throughout this whole process. The situation is awful, but the approach was worse. If there is anyone looking for a textbook example of institutional racism, look no further.

In the midst of the pandemic, with Americans subject to a deadly disease, the Trump regime filed yet another court effort to invalidate Obamacare. This would strip millions of people of health insurance.

How cruel.

Do Trump voters know?

Trump is the biggest fool ever to be elected president. He says stupid things proudly. The number of coronavirus cases detected is surging, mostly in the south and west, and Trump says it’s because there’s is more testing. Other nations are testing and seeing a decline in cases.

Trump said in Wisconsin today:

“If we didn’t test, we wouldn’t have cases,” he said later at a shipyard in Marinette, Wis. “But we have cases because we test. We’ve done an incredible, historic job.”

No testing. No cases. Stupid.


Media Advisory
June 25, 2020
Contact:
Pamela L. Pugh
pamela@urbanregenerationllc.com
989-992-6353

Prominent Civil Rights Attorneys, Political Pundit, Public Education Advocates and Activists to Hold Education Justice Virtual Town Hall Amid National Uprising in Support of Racial Equity

WHAT: A virtual town hall about the state of public education and a call to end systemic racism and inequities in Michigan and the U.S. education system more broadly.

WHEN: Saturday, June 27 from 2:00 pm-3:15 p.m.
EST. Media is encouraged to attend.

WHO: A discussion featuring:

Benjamin Crump, National Civil Rights Attorney;
Nina Turner, National Co-Chair Bernie Sanders Campaign, Former Ohio State Senator, Professor;
Jamarria Hall, Student Plaintiff in Gary B. v Whitmer, Detroit Right to Literacy;
Helen Moore, Education Activist;
Thomas Pedroni, Associate Professor, Wayne State University;
Mark Rosenbaum, Director of Opportunity Under Law, Public Counsel Law Firm;
Pamela Pugh, Vice President, Michigan State Board of Education;
Lamar Lemmons, Former President, Detroit Public School District Board of Education.
Terrence Martin, Executive Vice President, Detroit Federation of Teachers

Register here:

https://zoom.us/webinar/register/WN_Jb-U7BRcTM6sMwLq7GETVQ.

For more information, you may also contact Pamela Pugh at pamela@urbanregenerationllc.com.

*Click to see The Detroit Equity Action Lab [DEAL] outline entitled, “White Supremacy & The Denial of Literacy, The 101 Guide” or Timeline and Status of the Detroit Right to Literacy case.

####

The National Education Policy Center reviewed Summit Learning Program, which has been heavily subsidized by the Chan-Zuckerberg Initiative and the Gates Foundation, is spreading, but careful review shows no evidence for its success.


The Summit Learning Program: Big Promises, Lots of Money, Little Evidence of Success

Key Takeaway: Despite a lack of evidence that it is effective, the Summit Learning Program, propelled by a flood of Silicon Valley money, continues to spread.

Find Documents:
Press Release: https://nepc.info/node/10398

NEPC Publication: http://nepc.colorado.edu/publication/summit-2020

Contact:

William J. Mathis: (802) 383-0058, wmathis@sover.net Faith Boninger: (480) 390-6736, fboninger@gmail.com Alex Molnar: (480) 797-7261, nepc.molnar@gmail.com

BOULDER, CO (June 25, 2020) – Virtual learning and personalized learning have been at the forefront of education reform discussions for over a decade. One leader of this sector, Summit Public Schools, has been backed by almost $200 million philanthropic dollars from the Chan- Zuckerberg Initiative, the Gates Foundation, and others. Summit Public Schools has aggressively marketed its Summit Learning Platform to schools across the United States since 2015. As a result, the Summit Learning Program is now one of the most prominent digital personalized learning programs in the United States.

In “Big Claims, Little Evidence, Lots of Money: The Reality Behind the Summit Learning Program and the Push to Adopt Digital Personalized Learning Platforms,” Faith Boninger, Alex Molnar, and Christopher M. Saldaña, of the University of Colorado Boulder, provide a thorough analysis of Summit Public Schools, an 11-school charter network operating in California and Washington. Summit Public Schools began marketing its proprietary Summit Learning Program to potential “partner” schools in 2015 as a free, off-the-shelf, personalized learning program; it is now used in nearly 400 schools nationwide.

The marketing message of Summit Learning Program trades on the alleged success of the Summit Public Schools. Summit claims to have developed a “science-based” personalized learning model of teaching and learning that results in all of its students being academically prepared for college. It further claims that its students succeed in college and are prepared to lead successful, fulfilled lives. These successes, it claims, are the result of its unique approach to personalized learning and the use of the digital platform at the heart of its approach.

None of these claims made by Summit Public Schools have been confirmed by independent evaluators. In fact, other than scant bits of self-selected information provided by Summit itself, Boninger, Molnar and Saldaña found no evidence in the public record that confirms the claims. Nor did Summit Public Schools provide the information that the authors solicited in a California public records request.

Despite the lack of evidence to support the claims made by Summit Public Schools, the Summit Learning Program has been adopted by nearly 400 schools across the country. While Summit has offered positive anecdotes and some selected data, there is no solid evidence that “partner” schools are experiencing the promised success; to the contrary, there have been a number of reported incidents of problems and dissatisfaction. Further, the student data collected pursuant to the contracts between Summit and these partner schools presents a potentially significant risk to student privacy and opens the door to the exploitation of those data by the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative and possibly by unknown third parties—for purposes that have nothing to do with improving the quality of those students’ educations.

Virtual education and personalized learning are at the top of the education reform agenda in large measure because of hundreds of millions of dollars in funding and advocacy by philanthropic organizations (e.g., the Gates Foundation), large digital platforms (e.g., Facebook and Google), and venture capitalists anxious to access the school market.

Exacerbated by the continuing COVID-19 pandemic, schools across the country are struggling to find safe ways to educate their students. The rapid spread of the
policymakers with to protect the public interest by establishing oversight and accountability mechanisms related to digital platforms and personalized learning programs.

Find Big Claims, Little Evidence, Lots of Money: The Reality Behind the Summit Learning Program and the Push to Adopt Digital Personalized Learning Platforms, by Faith Boninger, Alex Molnar and Christopher M. Saldaña, at:

http://nepc.colorado.edu/publication/summit-2020

This research brief was made possible in part by the support of the Great Lakes Center for Education Research and Practice (greatlakescenter.org).

The National Education Policy Center (NEPC), housed at the University of Colorado Boulder School of Education, produces and disseminates high-quality, peer-reviewed research to inform education policy discussions. Visit us at: http://nepc.colorado.edu

David Berliner is one of the nation’s most eminent researchers of education. I am delighted that he sends original posts to me. I have informed him that “mi casa es su casa,” and he is always welcome here.

Why Universities Need Support, Need to Stay Open, and
Need to Have Their Students on Campus

David C. Berliner
Regents Professor Emeritus, Mary Lou Fulton College of Education, Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ

Over the last few years higher education enrollment in the USA has declined. The cost of colleges and universities has certainly been one factor in that small but steady drop in enrollment, particularly when return on investment is added to concerns about costs. The steep rise in tuition in recent years has an explanation: It is largely due to states’ disinvestment in their universities and colleges. From 2008, before the start of our last recession, to 2019, before the pandemic, my state of Arizona cut its contributions to higher education 54.9% (Mitchell, Leachman, & Saenz, 2019). When I first came to my wonderful university, I was impressed that tuition was relatively low, and it still is, but it is also 92.4% higher than it was in 2008! (Mitchell, Leachman, & Saenz, 2019)

So, for many, in the midst of this pandemic, the sacrifices that students and their families once made to obtain college degrees now appear to be less reasonable, perhaps even less possible. And families rightly worry that the rewards of a university degree are less tangible, compared to what they were in my generation. Incurring a large debt for attending college, particularly for those who may choose to be teachers, social workers, librarians, historians, or for those who major in literature, seems to many folks not to be worth it. A simple cost-benefit analysis will support that argument.

The current pandemic has produced a shock to our systems of higher education: most families, most institutions of higher education, and all of our American states, are now strapped for funds. Under conditions such as these, enrollments are likely to fall even faster and further than they have in recent years. This, of course, brings in less revenue for our colleges and universities. And that requires universities to employ fewer faculty, thus providing fewer majors and courses, making them seem less valuable than they were. Frank Bruni, in the New York Times, recently noted, “our devastated economy leaves [university] missions and identities in limbo, all but guaranteeing that more students will approach higher education in a brutally practical fashion, as an on-ramp to employment and nothing more.”
Would that matter much? If scenario’s like these are likely, what would be lost? Really, what in the world does a university prepare one for? What is it that a university makes?

When I was younger and part of the administrative team at Arizona State University, we were forced to address these questions. We had to compare ourselves to, and try to determine our competitive advantage over, the still young but rapidly growing University of Phoenix– and its many imitators around the country. We busied ourselves by greatly expanding our offerings and enrollments, and becoming one of the largest and best universities in the world. But the private, for profit, online, diploma granting institutions which were without the expense of the bricks and mortar that make for an authentic campus were growing just as fast as we were. To deal with that, I sometimes had to speak to parents and community members about what we did at our university that was different and of value. What I said then seems as relevant today as it was when we felt threatened by institutions that were cheaper, and where students could complete coursework in much less time. I said that “At our university we make humanity.”

Our public K-12 school system was, at least for the better part of the 20th century, designed for employability. But in the latter part of the 20th century that system was transformed and emphasized preparation for college.

Colleges and universities had then taken on the role of preparation for employability, albeit in the better paying and more prestigious fields such as medicine, law, business, engineering, and the like. Enrollments grew.
But the universities that welcomed massive increases in enrollment had some centuries-old, fuddy-duddy traditions that were not often integral to our K-12 systems. (I use the term fuddy-duddy deliberately. It is a term for a person or institution that is likely to be old-fashioned, traditionalist, perhaps conservative, sometimes almost to the point of eccentricity.)

Engineering, business, computer science, nursing and almost anything else that was practical and being taught at modern universities became, over time, quite acceptable majors. But universities also wanted all of its graduates to have knowledge of the humanities—history, philosophy, literature, art, music–and to learn, as well, something from the more contemporary relatives of the humanities, the social sciences…the human sciences!

Quoting Berry (2009) I told interested community members and parents of those who might enter our university that “Underlying the idea of a university — the bringing together, the combining into one, of all the disciplines — is the idea that good work and good citizenship are the inevitable by-products of the making of a good — that is, a fully developed — human being.”

Further, again quoting Berry (2009), I told them that in particular, what residential colleges and universities are “mandated to make…are human beings in the fullest sense of those words — not just trained workers or knowledgeable citizens but responsible heirs and members of human culture. If the proper work of our public schools and universities is only to equip people to fulfill private ambitions, then how do we justify public support? If it is only to prepare citizens to fulfill public responsibilities, then how do we justify the teaching of arts or sciences? The common denominator has to be larger than either career preparation or preparation for citizenship. Underlying the idea of a university [is the idea of making] a good — that is, a fully developed — human being.”
Some of our teacher education students, or their parents, wanted our college to be more like a trade school, emphasizing the teaching of this or that subject and how to do “discipline.” They all knew of schools that granted degrees in less than four years, where students studied only the minimum needed for employment as a teacher. But I always said to them that any other goal for a university than the full development of a human being, especially for America’s teachers, was unlovely!

So, I defend the humanities and social sciences for all students, asking that they learn more than just the skills needed to code, build bridges, run an industry, or teach! And I argue that the contemporary danger of too many fast-track teacher preparation programs is that the educators they produce may not be the fully developed human beings we want our children entrusted to.

​“So what’s a humanities?” Sam Smith (1979) asked decades ago. He answered his own question this way: “I can’t really give you one answer. But I can give you several. It’s asking why before we say yes. It’s remembering something someone wrote two centuries ago when we can’t remember what we wrote yesterday. It’s mistakes we don’t have to make because they’ve already been made and solutions we don’t have to dream up because someone has already thought of them. It’s how we got where we are and where we might go from here. It’s things we can’t measure yet know have depth and breadth. It’s parts of our culture we might lose like the Indian tribe writing its language down and putting it in a book. It’s parts of our culture that we’re often slow to recognize as such, like the legislature in Georgia finally making “Georgia on My Mind” the state song and inviting Ray Charles to come down and sing it. It’s the moral, philosophical, and historical issues hidden behind the political babble. It’s rights and beliefs and their protection. It’s preserving the past and the future and not just exploiting today. It’s thinking as well as talking, questioning as well as answering. And it’s placing human values and culture at the center of our world and making machines and technology and [some TV channels] serve us rather than the other way around.”

​The fuddy-duddy universities, with their roots in the middle ages, now must address modernity, employability, fiscal exigencies, and the like, but as they do so I hope that they continue to insist that the heart of a university—whatever other activities in which they engage—are the humanities and the social sciences. It is from the university’s offerings in these areas that we form fully developed human beings. And it is why we need students on campus. It is highly desirable to have our youth enmeshed in a culture where the subject matters dealt with in humanities and social science courses are discussed. At least for a few years, before our university students enter the world of work and full adulthood, they should live in an environment that values what is taught and discussed in the humanities and social sciences. That is why our colleges and universities need to stay open and find ways to keep students on campus.

As an example of the possible effects of the humanities and the social sciences, I point to the current protests demanding societal change following the death of George Floyd (and hundreds of other Black Americans). A look at the protesters shows that they are certainly not all Black, and sometimes not even majority Black. African-American protesters have been joined by large numbers of white, college educated citizens, in larger numbers than might have been predicted. The New York Times (Harmon & Tavernice, June 17, 2020) reports that in surveys of recent protests in three cities, 82 percent of white protesters had a college degree! These are white citizens who are more likely to have been exposed to the humanities and social sciences than previous generations, and they learned in those courses what an imperfect nation we have, starting right from its hallowed beginnings.

These better educated, young, patriotic citizens are compelled to stand with their Black sisters and brothers in desiring a more perfect nation. Their experiences in the humanities and social sciences may well be what leads college-educated students of all races to hold more liberal or progressive views, views that are more sympathetic to our nations’ most recent outrages and the protests they inspire.
In fact, among people who identify as progressives, 67% thought that colleges and universities had a positive effect on our country. I think so too. But among those identifying with the more conservative side of our democracy, those who lean Republican in their voting, 59% said that college attendance was having a negative effect on America (Fingerhut, 2017)! This is consistent with the views of one of conservative America’s, heroes, Ronald Reagan. At a press conference in Sacramento on Feb. 28, 1967 Reagan said that taxpayers should not be subsidizing “intellectual curiosity”! Wold renown universities such as the UC Berkeley and UCLA, he said, should shift their focus to teaching workforce entry skills!

The effects of the liberal arts, the humanities, and the social sciences, accompanied by myriad discussions, disagreements, and heated arguments of the issues raised in such courses, at a genuine university do change who we are and what we think of our democracy. Conservatives are right to be wary of fuddy-duddy universities. Hundreds of those institutions may actually have educated our youth in exactly the ways they intended!

But now, a crisis is faced by so many of the institutions that actually did a pretty good job of educating America’s young adults to be thoughtful citizens. The pandemic we are experiencing, Rosenberg (2020) argues, is “uniquely and diabolically designed to undermine the foundations of traditional colleges and universities, [It does so because] we have pathologized closeness. Working side by side with a professor in a laboratory? Forbidden. Meeting with an adviser in an office to discuss one’s academic future? Impossible. Living together, dining together, studying together, [arguing together]? Banned by medical advice and often by governmental edict.” If students’ personal interactions with others on a campus are overly restricted, the changes frequently brought about by the humanities and social sciences are less likely to occur.
It seems that the combination of taking courses in the humanities and social sciences, as well as living in a college community, produce graduates who are better informed citizens: citizens who want to see our country move closer to its ideals; citizens who are more willing to protest injustice. And thus, our universities are graduating citizens more likely to bring about change. Are these improper aspirations for the college experience? And of all the college majors that exist, shouldn’t America’s teacher education programs be the most assiduous in wanting the humanities and social sciences to be a part of every teachers’ university experience? Making humanity is what good universities do and it is really a far more important goal for a university in a democracy than providing the specific course work that develop our nations’ computer programmers, business majors, architects, or teachers.

As Bruni (2020) notes, “A vaccine for the coronavirus won’t inoculate anyone against the ideological arrogance, conspiracy theories and other internet-abetted passions and prejudices that drive Americans apart. But the perspective, discernment and skepticism that a liberal arts education can nurture just might.”
These are difficult times. But if we don’t require a healthy dose of coursework in the humanities and social sciences, paired with a community of learners who discuss the issues raised in those courses, our universities are much less likely to “make humanity.” This may well mean reduced thoughtfulness and caring in our society. It may mean fewer people to stand with those that protest injustice in hopes of making us a better nation. And that, I think, would be a shame.

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Berry, W. (2009). Home Economics: Fourteen Essays. Berkeley Ca: Counterpoint Press
Bruni, F. (2020, June 4). The End of College as We Knew It? Sunday Review, New York: New York Times. Retrieved June 16, 2020 from https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/04/opinion/sunday/coronavirus-college-humanities.html

Fingerhut, H. (July 20, 2017). Republicans skeptical of colleges’ impact on U.S., but most see benefits for workforce preparation. Washington DC: Pew Research Center. Retrieved June 16 from https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2017/07/20/republicans-skeptical-of-colleges-impact-on-u-s-but-most-see-benefits-for-workforce-preparation/

Harmon, A & Tavernice, S. (2020, June 17). One Big Difference About George Floyd Protests: Many White Faces. New York Times. Retrieved June 18 from https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/12/us/george-floyd-white-protesters.html?searchResultPosition=1

Mitchell, M., Leachman, M., & Saenz, M. (2019, October 24). State Higher
Education Funding Cuts Have Pushed Costs to Students, Worsened Inequality. Washington, DC: Center on Budget and Policy Priorities.

Rosenberg, B. (2020, April 13). How Should Colleges Prepare for a Post-Pandemic World? The Chronicle of Higher Education. Retrieved June 16, 2020 from https://www.chronicle.com/article/How-Should-Colleges-Prepare/248507

Smith, S. (1979, September 17). What’s a humanities? Sam Smith’s Essays. Retrieved June 14 from https://samsmitharchives.wordpress.com/1979/09/17/from-our-overstocked-archives-whats-a-humanities/

Marilee Coles-Ritchie is a teacher educator in Utah. She wrote this advice for her fellow educators and other concerned citizens in Utah but it is good advice for everyone.

Here are her recommendations:

1. Decrease standardized tests. They harm students who are Black, Indigenous, and People of Color.

2. Increase the numbers of teachers from these groups across the schools.

3. Eliminate all police officers in schools. Restorative justice empowers students to resolve conflicts on their own and in small groups. This strengthens school communities, prevents bullying, and reduces student conflicts. Early adoption has shown drastic reductions in suspension rates, and students report feeling more welcome, safe, and calm.

4. Require all students to take at least one course of history and literature of these groups.

5. Increase linguistic and cultural appreciation in all schools, diversifying the voices that are represented in the curriculum, with a goal of equity and inclusion.