Paul Cobaugh retired from the military after a 19-year career. He served in Special Operations and received multiple awards for his service. He focused on mitigating adversarial influence and advancing US objectives by way of influence. Throughout his career he has focused on the centrality of influence in modern conflict whether it be from extremist organisations or state actors employing influence against the US and our Allies. He writes at “Truth About Threats,” where this post appeared. He writes here about the dangers of ignoring history. To read the complete post, open the link.

Cobaugh writes:

As we get ready to transition into 2025 and a new Trump administration, let’s take a good look at the sheer, staggering idiocy of his campaign pledge to start a global tariff war. We’ve been here before and it was called the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act. It was a primary factor that led us into a Great Depression, a World War and the most disruptive period in modern US and world history. 

For those that pay attention, history is often painfully instructive if left unheeded. It wasn’t just Tariffs in the US of the 1930s that laid devastating economic pain onto the backs of America’s working classes. Unregulated and poorly regulated greed contributed their fair share as well. The 1930s all together have some pronounced parallels to the America we now live in. Tariff wars are but one of those parallels. All combined, those same parallels represent acute threats to not only working-class Americans but to our republic itself. 

Syndicated cartoon gallery: China tariff trade war

During the Roaring Twenties, post WW I, America was prosperous, hopeful and on the rise. The Stock Market crash of 1929 and the 1930 Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act brought all of this to an end, not only for the US but the globe. The Great Depression ushered in the 1940s , which saw the globe fully immersed in WW II and the beginning of the Cold War. Twenty years of intense global upheaval literally shook the world. Nothing would ever be the same again. If you consider the Great Depression as a precursor to WW II, then Smoot-Hawley was a primary cause of the Great Depression. Let that sink in. 

The political landscape of the 1930s, was as diverse and active as at any time in our history. The Great Depression spawned a very large number of progressive movements and even a fairly strong socialist movement, both in pursuit of protecting the workers who had suffered badly from a lack of employment. 

Political cartoon U.S. Trump MAGA steel tariffs trade war recession

Today, diverse and contrary political movements include many as fascist as those of Nazi Germany, Italy and Japan, or as forward-leaning in support of American workers as today’s progressives. Unlike the 1930s, today’s political landscape does not include the record high 900,000 enrolled in Socialist movements that we saw up until 1932. By the late 1930s, the socialists were mostly gone but the American far-right movements lasted up until the day that America declared war on Germany, post Pearl Harbor. Today, the fascists still exist in the form of MAGA and related movements, while that socialism is still mostly absent from any significance on the American political landscape. Those on today’s political spectrum that work to protect workers almost always come from the political left, progressive or otherwise.

Today though, is about tariffs and how they are always mentioned as one of those most prominent causes of the Great Depression


Xi Jinping – Page 3 – mackaycartoons

Smoot-Hawley was a bill designed in theory to protect American agriculture from foreign competitors. In the end, it hurt both deeply. This protectionist measure also played out against a backdrop of a deep American commitment to isolationism, as the rest of the world slowly but unstoppably marched towards a world war. 

The Hawley- Smoot Tariff and 
the Great Depression, 1928– 1932

In the 1920s, the focus of trade policy shifted from protecting manufacturing to protecting agriculture. Congress struggled to fi nd the right 
way to assist farmers and relieve farm distress, turning to a tariff revision 
after President Coolidge vetoed price- support legislation. The resulting 
Hawley- Smoot tariff of 1930 proved to be the most controversial piece of 
trade legislation since the Tariff of Abominations in 1828. The subject of 
heated debate during its difficult passage through Congress, the legislation 
helped push the average tariff on dutiable imports to near- record levels just 
as the economy was sliding into the Great Depression. The early 1930s 
saw an unprecedented contraction of world trade, during which time many 
other countries retaliated against the United States and significantly increased their own trade barriers. The Hawley- Smoot tariff had far- reaching 
consequences and it marked the last time that Congress ever set duties in 
the entire tariff schedule.

- Clashing over Commerce: A History of U.S. Trade Policy
- This PDF is a selection from a published volume from the National Bureau
of Economic Research
- Volume Author/Editor: Douglas A. Irwin
- November 2017
Bruce Plante cartoon: Trump's trade war

The bottom line to Smoot-Hawley and presumably President-elect Trump’s threats against our neighbors and most other nations, is that tariffs start tariff wars, in which there are no winners. Also, it is working Americans that do the overwhelming majority of the suffering. At the moment, toxic oligarchy is keeping the prices of goods and services artificially inflated. No, not inflation, but just plain and simple, old-fashioned price-gouging

There is legitimate fear of Trump’s approach to the economy. First of all, he’s inheriting President Biden’s hot, well-grounded economy, just like he did in 2016 from the Obama administration. He has already told us that he doesn’t think it will be easy to lower consumer prices and as we all have learned during his 2018 losing trade war with China, it is the American people who pay the cost of tariffs

Trump Promises Lower Food Prices But Cant Deliver by Monte Wolverton
Introduction to the research from the National Bureau of Economic Research

“The ghost of Smoot-Hawley seems to haunt President Trump.”1 As fears of a trade war between the U.S. and China grew after the U.S. presidential election of 2016, many commentators drew precisely this link between the events of 1930 and today. And the consensus was that the trade wars of the 1930s were an ominous portent of what might await the world if Donald Trump’s protectionist impulses were not checked

The conclusion of the research from the National Bureau of Economic Research

President Trump’s recent use of tariffs as a “weapon” to cudgel other nations into changing their trade policies has renewed interest in understanding what trade wars are and how they affect flows of goods and services across borders. As our research indicates, the current trade war was by no means the first one initiated by the U.S. The passage of Smoot-Hawley led to direct retaliation by important U.S. trade partners. Countries responded to its passage by imposing tariffs 24 targeting U.S. exports. Although protectionism was on the rise in the 1930s, we collect novel data and design empirical tests which show that retaliation against Smoot-Hawley was distinctive: it involved policies specifically directed at the U.S., the initial provocateur. 

Using a new data set on quarterly bilateral trade flows as well as detailed information on who filed official protests during the legislative debate over the Tariff Act of 1930 and who (later) retaliated, gravity model estimates demonstrate that U.S. exports were severely affected by the Smoot-Hawley trade war. Even after controlling for financial crises, the effects of the global decline in aggregate demand, and the overall decline in partner countries’ imports from all sources, U.S. exports fell substantially. If they had just fallen in line with the overall reduction in imports in each country, we would have found no effect: instead, they fell disproportionately, by between 15 and 33 percent, depending on the specification and the countries involved. By examining the effects for protestors as well as retaliators, we are able to more extensively assess the retaliation against Smoot-Hawley: this was not limited to those countries traditionally regarded as “retaliators”. 

Product-level regression estimates confirm that retaliators were strategic in their response to Smoot-Hawley (as they have been in more recent trade wars), choosing to bludgeon key U.S. exports differentially. Fast-growing U.S. exports of automobiles appear to have been particularly targeted by U.S. trade partners. Our results suggest that MFN constraints did not prevent countries from effectively retaliating. In addition to strategically targeted tariffs, retaliation involved such non-tariff measures as quotas, boycotts and increased sales resistance to American goods. Our results show that this retaliation was extremely effective in reducing U.S. exports. In March 2018, Peter Navarro famously predicted that no country would retaliate against U.S. tariffs. 29 The evidence from the 1930s suggests it is a mistake, even for a country as wealthy and powerful as the United States, to assume that it can engage in a trade war with impunity.

- THE SMOOT-HAWLEY TRADE WAR- NATIONAL BUREAU OF ECONOMIC RESEARCH
- Kris James Mitchener
- Kirsten Wandschneider
- Kevin Hjortshøj O'Rourke
- March 2021
Donald Trump Plans to Use “Socialism” to Ameliorate Effects of Tariffs on  Farmers — The Life and Times of Bruce Gerencser

To wrap up this short history lesson, I wish to remind readers that trade wars rarely achieve their desired effect and more often than not… backfire. Tariffs are always paid by the consumer, not the companies involved in the import/ export of products. Projections for Trump’s intended tariffs suggest an increase of at least $1,900 a year for the average family although depending on the products and services used, it could easily be five times that. In an economy where consumers are already being abused at the cash register, such additions to family budgets are not only unwelcome, but could negatively impact other important budget items. 

Most families do not have room in their budgets to fight trade wars that make the oligarchical elite, wealthier, while their budget becomes overburdened because of tariffs. This is why tariffs are often described as a “tax” on consumers.

Trump Tariffs Cartoons

Education Law Center published a handy guide to compare state spending on education.

Public Schools First North Carolina used that guide to demonstrate how poorly the state funds its schools.

Education Law Center’s 2024 report Making the Grade: How Fair is Funding in Your State shows once again that North Carolina is doing much less that it can to support public schools.

This comes no surprise to those following public education funding in the state, but it is disappointing that North Carolina, a state that touts its business-friendly environment, continues to neglect an essential foundation of business success—an educated workforce. More than 80% of the state’s students attend public schools (traditional & charter), so continued neglect jeopardizes our state’s future at every level.

FUNDING LEVEL GRADE: F – Funding level is the per-pupil funding provided to school districts from state and local sources. The measure is cost-adjusted to account for cost-of-living differences across states. North Carolina is #48 out of 51 (states + DC). All other Southeastern states rank higher; only Arizona, Utah, and Idaho rank lower. 

North Carolina’s per pupil funding is $4,868 lower than the national average! 

The “good” news is that in this year’s report, North Carolina lags behind Mississippi by only $475 per student. Last year our state spent $669 less per student than Mississippi, the poorest state in the nation. 

FUNDING DISTRIBUTION GRADE: B – Funding distribution measures the extent to which districts with high levels of poverty receive additional funds. North Carolina is #12 out of 48 states in this category, a very respectable rank with room to grow. This measure tells us that although overall public education funding is terrible, the funding available to high and low poverty districts is fairly even (i.e. equally bad).

FUNDING EFFORT GRADE: F – Funding effort measures the funding allocated to support PK-12 education as a percentage of the state’s wealth (GDP). North Carolina is #49 out of 50 states. This means that although North Carolina has enough money, it chooses not to spend it on education. North Carolina spends just 2.08% of its wealth on education. Only Arizona spends less. They spend 2.05%.

The state with the highest funding effort is Vermont. They spend 5.50% on education. Vermont’s GDP per capita is $53,483 and the state spends $25,627 per pupil (cost adjusted) each year.

In contrast, North Carolina’s GDP per capita is $56,943, which is higher than Vermont’s. But we spend just $11,777 per pupil. In other words, although Vermont isn’t as rich as North Carolina, Vermont spends $13,850 more per student (cost adjusted) each year. That’s more than double North Carolina’s financial commitment to our students!

North Carolina is better that this. Let’s hold our legislators accountable!

The Trump presidency will be unlike any in our history, including his first term. This time, the Trump Organization is going all in to monetize his fame and position. Never before has a President gone to such lengths to monetize his name.

Cat Zakrzewski of The Washington Post reported:

The Trump Store has a gift for every patriot on your Christmas list.

It’s a little late for this year’s celebrations, but you can get a very early jump on next year and count down with the $38 Trump Advent calendar. Or trim the tree with a $95 Mar-a-Lago bauble or a $16 MAGA hat ornament, sold in nine colors. (A glass version of the hat ornament is $92.) Stuff stockings with an $86 “GIANT Trump Chocolate Gold Bar” and a $22 pair of candy cane socks printed with “Trump.” Prepare a holiday feast with a $14 Trump Christmas tree pot holder and $28 Trump apron featuring Santa waving an American flag.

The profits from these holiday trinkets do not benefit a political committee or a charitable cause, but the Trump Organization, the Trump family’s privately owned conglomerate of real estate, hotel and lifestyle businesses. As the company encouraged customers to celebrate the holidays with Trump gifts for all ages, President-elect Donald Trump personally profited off of his upcoming term in a manner that is unprecedented in modern history — even during his unconventional first stint in the White House.

The Trump Organization thought of everyone celebrating Trump’s nonconsecutive terms this yuletide season, rolling out a line of merchandise printed with “45-47,” including $195 quarter-zip sweatshirts, $85 cigar ashtrays and $38 baseball caps. Fido can’t go without his gear, of course: The store also sells gifts for dogs, including orange leashes and camo collars emblazoned with Trump’s name. And don’t forget the kids! How about a $38 teddy bear wearing a red, white or blue Trump sweater, $8 MAGA hat stickers or an array of Trump sweets, including $16 gummy bears?

All of these gifts can be wrapped in $28 golden Trump wrapping paper or stuck into Trump ornament gift bags ($14 a pair), and accompanied by a note on $35 stationery featuring bottles of Trump wine.
“Make the holidays that much greater this year with essentials from the Trump Home and Holiday collection,” the website says, over a photo of an Elf on the Shelf toy and a lime-green MAGA hat.

Trump has long delighted in finding new ways to market his name, creating a merchandise empire that includes digital trading cards, pricey sneakers, expensive watches and signed Bibles. But his expansion of offerings in the run-up to the inauguration has further concerned ethics experts and watchdogs, who say his behavior is the opposite of what they expect from a president-in-waiting during the transition….

Throughout December, Trump has used his account on Truth Social to hawk products for the holidays. In between posts laying out his positions on the chaos in Syria and the government spending bill, Trump posted that the “hottest gift” this Christmas is his $99 coffee table tome, “SAVE AMERICA.” The book is sold by Winning Team Publishing, a company co-founded by his son Donald and Sergio Gor, the next director of the White House Office of Presidential Personnel….

Incoming first lady Melania Trump promoted her own line of Christmas ornaments and necklaces during a December interview with Fox News, where she discussed her husband’s “incredible” election victory. She described the ornaments as “very patriotic” and said the design was inspired by the election. The $90 brass ornament features “USA” in red, white and blue, and the gold “Vote Freedom” pendant retails for $600.

A representative for Melania Trump did not respond to a request for comment.
Earlier this month, the president-elect also announced he had launched a fragrance line, which includes the $199 “VICTORY 47” perfume for women and the “FIGHT FIGHT FIGHT” cologne for men. Products for Christmas delivery were sold out as of Dec. 19. Trump promoted the fragrances on Truth Social with a photo of Jill Biden smiling at him during a service this month celebrating the reopening of Notre Dame cathedral in Paris.

“A FRAGRANCE YOUR ENEMIES CAN’T RESIST!” the caption said.

The fragrance website is operated by 45Footwear LLC, the same company that operates GetTrumpSneakers.com, a website currently selling $499 “Trump Won Gold Low Top Sneakers.” The fragrance website says that Trump’s name and associated design are trademarks of CIC Ventures LLC and that 45Footwear uses Trump’s likeness under a licensing agreement.

“Trump Fragrances are not designed, manufactured, distributed or sold by Donald J. Trump, The Trump Organization or any of their respective affiliates or principals,” the website says.

The precise structure of the fragrance deal is unclear. CIC Ventures is a Trump company, The Washington Post has previously reported, and 45Footwear is affiliated with an LLC of the same name that is based in Sheridan, Wyo., according to state records. The LLC was filed by a Wyoming lawyer named Andrew Pierce.

Politicians have long sold T-shirts, hats, bumper stickers and even ugly Christmas sweaters to finance their campaigns or political action committees, and the Trump National Committee is also selling some Christmas merchandise, including a variety of MAGA stockings that feature a photo of Trump in a Santa hat. After leaving office, presidents often make money from speaking fees or by selling their memoirs.
But a president privately profiting off merchandise related to his election is highly unusual.

Government ethics experts say Trump’s merchandise sales are just one example of the new financial conflicts of interest that Trump’s presidency will raise. It is unprecedented for a president to own a multibillion-dollar stake in a publicly traded company, as Trump does in Trump Media & Technology Group. Because the stake represents a significant portion of the president-elect’s net worth, ethics experts are concerned that wealthy individuals, companies and funds associated with foreign governments could seek to influence Trump by pouring money into the business.

You can never have too much music!

Especially on Christmas Day!

Especially when it is Bach!

From South Kitsap High School in Port Orchard, Washington, comes a sensational performance of them”Halleluia Chorus” of Handel’s “Messiah,” performed by silent monks using flashcards. This video has racked up millions of views on Facebook and YouTube.

As always, Merry Christmas to all!

Our dear friend Bob Shepherd gave us this gift of his writing for Christmas. It is overflowing with his wisdom and erudition.

He wrote:

He Sees You When You’re Sleeping and Other Weird and Wonderful Fun Facts about Santa Claus | Bob Shepherd

This is a piece I originally wrote for children. For them, I left out some of the stuff in paragraphs 5, 7, and 12, below. LOL. Sharing this again ’cause. . . . it’s almost Christmas. My little tribute to the Pole-ish peoples.

1 Every year, around Christmas, some newspaper runs a story saying that Santa Claus was invented by the Coca Cola Company. But there’s a problem with those stories. They aren’t true. Back in the 1931, the soft drink company did hire an artist named Haddon Sundblom to create Christmas ads. Those ads pictured a plump, jolly Santa with rosy cheeks, a red suit, and a white beard. The Santa ads were a big hit. Coca Cola created new Santa ads every year until the 1960s. A myth was born that Santa was created by Coca Cola.

2 However, long before the Coca Cola ads, Santa Claus had already appeared in other illustrations wearing a red suit and a beard. For example, Norman Rockwell painted a red-suited, white-bearded Santa for a 1921 magazine cover. That cover appeared ten years earlier than did the first of the Coca Cola Santas. So, Coca Cola didn’t invent Santa. It didn’t even create the image of him that most of us are familiar with. So, if Coke didn’t invent Santa, who did? The answer turns out to be odd and interesting.

3 About 1,800 years ago, people in Southern Europe were already giving gifts at Christmas. They were imitating the gift-giving Magi in the Bible (often referred to as the “three wise men,” though the number is not mentioned in the sole Biblical account, in Matthew. If you haven’t experienced Frankincense essence, btw, treat yourself; it’s wonderful). Some early Church leaders didn’t like this materialistic gift-giving frenzy. They thought that the gift-giving had gotten completely out of control. Lord knows what they would think if they lived today!

4 At the same time, in Northern Europe, there was a myth about the Norse God Odin. People said that every year, in the dead of winter, Odin would ride through the sky on his horse. He would bring gifts and punish the wicked. Odin wore a fur coat and had a big beard. In the same part of Europe, people told stories about little bearded elves, or gnomes, called tomtar. They wore green coats, played tricks on people, and brought presents.

5 About 1,700 years ago, there lived in Turkey a man named Nicholas. He became an important leader, a bishop in the Catholic Church. After Nicholas’s death, the Church made him a saint. This was a very high honor. They also created a holy day, on December 6, to celebrate him. It was called Saint Nicholas’s Day. Many stories were told about Saint Nicholas. Some told about how he protected children. People started telling stories about how Saint Nicholas would come on December 6 to bring presents to nice children and switches or coal to naughty children. In some of these stories, bad boys and girls would be carried away by a monster called the Krampus. (Depictions of the Dutch version of Krampus, Zwarte Piet, aka “Black Pete” or “Black Peter,” have been the subject, recently, of anti-racism demonstrations in the Netherlands). Later on, Saint Nicholas’s Day was moved to December 25, the same day as Christmas.

6 People continued to tell stories about Saint Nicholas bringing presents on Christmas, and in different countries, his name was slightly different. In England he was called Father Christmas. In France he was Pere Noel. In the Netherlands, Saint Nicholas was pronounced Sinterklaas. The old stories about Odin and the tomtar got combined with stories about Sinterklaas. Sinterklaas was imagined as a little elf man who would ride through the air and bring presents. He was often pictured as wearing a fur-lined coat and having a beard. So, Sinterklaas was a little like Saint Nicholas. He was a little like Odin. And he was a little like the elves.

7 When people from Northern Europe came to North America, they brought their ideas about Sinterklaas with them. By 1773, some people had already changed the name to Santa Claus. In 1809, a writer named Washington Irving wrote a book in which he told about a jolly Saint Nicholas. In Irving’s book, Nicholas had a big belly and wore a green coat. In 1821, a poem called “Old Santeclaus” was published in America. The poem pictured him riding in a sleigh pulled by reindeer. Where did the idea of the reindeer come from? Well, in Lapland, reindeer are used to pull sleds called pulks. Lapland is in the far northern part of Europe. The writer was telling a Northern European story and added this detail to it. The elderly, white-bearded Lapp shamans used to harness their reindeer and drive out over the snow to collect Amanita muscaria mushrooms (those red ones with the white dots). They would wear red coats in imitation of their sacred shroom. They would gather the shrooms into bags flung about their shoulders. They couldn’t eat the shrooms directly because they were highly toxic. So, they fed them to the reindeer. Then, they drank the reindeer piss (yes, you heard that right) and tripped and saw visions. Illustrations of the Lapp shamans and their Amanita mushrooms were commonly reproduced on 19th century winter postcards, and all the elements of later Santa iconography are there–the red coats, the white beard, the snow, the sack over the shoulder, the reindeer, and the pipe.

8 Modern ideas about Santa Claus were probably most influenced by a poem called “A Visit from St. Nicholas.” This poem, also known as “The Night before Christmas,” was published in 1823. The poem tells about Santa coming to a house on Christmas Eve. In the poem, a man is awakened by a noise. He runs to the window and looks out. There he sees a little sleigh pulled by “eight tiny reindeer.” The poem even gives names to the reindeer. They are called Dasher, Dancer, Prancer, Vixen, Comet, Cupid, Conner, and Blitzen. The sleigh lands on the roof. Then its “little” driver comes down the chimney. He is jolly and plump and dressed in fur. He has a pack full of toys. And he is said to be an “elf.” When he laughs, his tummy shakes “like a bowl full of jelly.” He fills the children’s stockings and disappears up the chimney again. In drawings made by the illustrator Thomas Nash in the late 1800s, Santa grew taller. He was no longer a little elf but the size of a full-grown man. Nash also gave Santa’s address as the North Pole. Another part of the Santa legend was born.

9 Many streams can run together to make one river. In the same way, many ideas from two thousand years of history ran together to create the story of Santa Claus.

10 In 1897, a little girl named Virginia O’Hanlon wrote a letter to a newspaper in New York. She said, “Please tell me the truth; is there a Santa Claus?” A newspaper editor named Frank Church wrote this famous reply:

11 “Yes, VIRGINIA, there is a Santa Claus. He exists as certainly as love and generosity and devotion exist. . . . How dreary would be the world if there were no Santa Claus. It would be as if there were no VIRGINIAS. There would be no childlike faith then, no poetry, no romance. . . . He lives, and he lives forever. A thousand years from now, Virginia . . . he will continue to make glad the heart of childhood.”

Copyright 2016. Robert D. Shepherd. All rights reserved.

Wherever you are, I wish you a very Merry Christmas. I wish you happiness, joy, and many reasons to smile in the year ahead.

I don’t know about you, but I find Christmas to be both a time of joy and a time of sadness. It brings back childhood memories–memories of family that have grown more sentimental as I grow older. I remember the laughs, the minor mishaps, the anticipation, and the presence of loved ones who are no longer with us.

Although I am Jewish, my family always had a Christmas tree, which we decorated; I loved hanging the long strands of tinsel. I had seven brothers and sisters. We all waited in great excitement for the stroke of midnight so we could hurry downstairs to open our presents.

My parents are long gone. Three of my siblings have died. Christmas will never be the same.

Enjoy your family, whatever their ages. Have a lovely Christmas and turn the day into a celebration of love, peace, kindness, and compassion.

Greg Olear writes a blog that is always rewarding to read–full of insight, experience, knowledge, wisdom. His post below connects the world of Dickens to the Age of Trump.


If Charles Dickens were alive today, and at the peak of his considerable powers, he would not invest his energies writing interminable novels for an increasingly book-averse population. Instead of waiting for fresh serialized chapters of David Copperfield, we’d be eagerly anticipating the next episode of a series of that title to drop on HBO. Twenty twenty-four Dickens would be Shonda Rhimes—creative dynamo, showrunner of some of the most popular, most watched, and most lucrative programs on television, with a thousand projects big and small going at all once.


Commercially- and critically-successful creative dynamo is what Dickens was in his own period, which is to say the era between the publication of the first installment of The Pickwick Papers in April 1836—a year before Queen Victoria took the throne—to the scrawling of the last lines of the unfinished Mystery of Edwin Drood, as he lay dying, at age 58, in June 1870. Unlike many writers, who are given to shyness, he was an enormous personality in real life. He was a gifted mimic, a talented comic performer with great stage presence, and he may well have gone into his beloved theater if the chips had fallen differently. He wrote voluminous correspondence and took in plays and did some acting and directing and wrote letters to newspapers and contributed some journalism and went on speaking tours and traveled around Europe and the United States, and he walked a dozen miles a day around London, and he fathered ten children, and he spent the last dozen years of his life living “in sin” with a woman who nowadays would be his second wife but back then was a secret partner because the discovery of their forbidden relationship would have been scandalous, and while he was doing all of THAT, this literary Energizer Bunny was banging out novel after novel after novel, bestseller after bestseller after bestseller, each one longer than the next. Bleak House, which some consider his best literary work, checks in at over 358,000 words! 


I have long resisted Dickens. He got paid by the word, and was thus financially incentivized to add extra padding to the books; this always struck me as too commercial an approach to produce great literary fiction. And the character names, while delightful—Ebenezer Scrooge, of course; but also Oliver Twist, Martin Chuzzlewit, Uriah Heep, Sophy Wackles, Lucretia Tox, Charity Pecksniff, and [checks notes] Dick Swiveller—are too silly to be taken seriously. Any of the appellations just listed could plausibly be the stage name of some lesser porn star.
(It is a fun game to pick which figures in the MAGA universe have Dickens names. Elon Musk, most definitely. Hope Hicks, for sure. Seb Gorka, Mehmet Oz, Mike and Sarah Huckabee. Marsha Blackburn could have been a minor character who spontaneously combusts, as Krook does in Bleak House. And with his Dickensian name, his caricature of a personality, his naked parsimony, and his active malevolence, especially towards children, Donald Trump might just as well be a character in the novel. We can easily imagine him surveying the Bleak House grounds1 and remarking on what a fine golf course he could make of it.)


In high school, I read Great Expectations. I’ve tried several times since to re-read it, but I can’t get past the child abuse depicted in the first chapters. As good as the introduction to A Tale of Two Cities is—although often misconstrued2—I lose the plot by chapter three. And I’ve seen a thousand variations of A Christmas Carol but never delved in to the original text. That’s the full extent of my Dickens reading.


But then, a few weeks ago, the thick Penguin Classics paperback of Bleak House, which has been in my possession for God knows how long, called out to me, for three days in a row, from its place on the dusty shelves. With my brain feeling like an old car that just hit 200,000 miles, I knew it would do me some good to read, and not just read but finish, a long novel. Long-novel-reading is like Pilates for the mind—it exercises muscles not much used in quotidian life, and that are otherwise in danger of atrophying. It was time, I decided, to get my Dickens on. And so, over the course of a few weeks, I made my slow, steady way through all 989 pages.


In his lecture on Bleak House, first given while teaching at Wellesley College in 1941,3 Vladimir Nabokov said that to tackle the novel, “We just surrender ourselves to Dickens’s voice—that is all. . . All we have to do when reading Bleak House is relax and let our spines take over. Although we read with our minds, the seat of artistic delight is between the shoulder blades. That little shiver behind is quite certainly the highest form of emotion that humanity has attained when evolving pure art and pure science…The brain only continues the spine: the wick goes through the whole candle. If we are not capable of enjoying that shiver, if we cannot enjoy literature, then let us give up the whole thing and concentrate on our comics, our videos, our books-of-the-week.” (If updated for today, he might have instead said, “our TikToks, our Instagram reels, our Netflix specials, our Spotify wraps.”)


“But,” he continues, “I think Dickens will prove stronger.” One of my favorite writers, Nabokov has provided my spine with no short supply of shivers. So if he says we should surrender to Dickens’s voice, and that said voice is powerful enough to drown out the noise around us, well, that’s good enough for me.


Lo, Nabokov was right. Dickens is—here’s a hot take—a magnificent writer in terms of the construction of sentences, the vast vocabulary at his disposal, the wry deployment of jokes, the poetry of individual paragraphs, and the weaving together of seemingly endless strands of plot-lines, transforming, with almost architectural precision, what seems like a mountainous pile of clumped-together yarn (like the one in our bedroom that my wife, as I type this, is endeavoring to untangle) into a perfectly knit work of art. As Nabokov puts it, “The magic trick Dickens is out to perform implies balancing these three globes [i.e., the three themes of the book], juggling with them, keeping them in a state of coherent unity, maintaining these three balloons in the air without getting their strings snarled.”
And, yes: Dickens brings the spine-shivers. Making my way through the book, I stopped countless times to admire a passage. Here is one paragraph, well into a very long book, right after the disappearance of the wonderfully named Lady Dedlock—lovely in its construction, gorgeous in its word choices, and poetical in its observations:

There’s a lot going on in Bleak House, but ultimately, the book is a scathing commentary on lawyers—a profession which, as a whole, Mr. Dickens is not particularly fond of. Rather, he seems to hold with Mr. George, the military veteran and gun-shop owner, accused, falsely, of a homicide:

“You won’t have a lawyer?”

“No, sir.” Mr. George shook his head in the most emphatic manner. “I thank you all the same, sir, but—no lawyer!”

“Why not?”

“I don’t take kindly to the breed,” said Mr. George.

And since the homicide in question is Mr. Tulkinghorn’s, the “whodunit” narrative that dominates the last third of the novel quite literally involves an eminently capable investigator, said Mr. Bucket, trying to determine which, among the many, many primary, secondary and tertiary characters that might have wanted the terrifying lawyer dead, actually did the deed.

Dickens doesn’t hide his disdain for the Chancery Court—that is, the court that deals with wills, probates, estates, and other civil matters.⁴ He lets us know his feelings right up front, in the fifth and sixth paragraphs of the first chapter:

Never can there come fog too thick, never can there come mud and mire too deep, to assort with the groping and floundering condition which this High Court of Chancery, most pestilent of hoary sinners, holds this day in the sight of heaven and earth.

On such an afternoon, if ever, the Lord High Chancellor ought to be sitting here—as here he is—with a foggy glory round his head, softly fenced in with crimson cloth and curtains, addressed by a large advocate with great whiskers, a little voice, and an interminable brief, and outwardly directing his contemplation to the lantern in the roof, where he can see nothing but fog. On such an afternoon some score of members of the High Court of Chancery bar ought to be—as here they are—mistily engaged in one of the ten thousand stages of an endless cause, tripping one another up on slippery precedents, groping knee-deep in technicalities, running their goat-hair and horsehair warded heads against walls of words and making a pretence of equity with serious faces, as players might. On such an afternoon the various solicitors in the cause, some two or three of whom have inherited it from their fathers, who made a fortune by it, ought to be—as are they not?—ranged in a line, in a long matted well (but you might look in vain for truth at the bottom of it) between the registrar’s red table and the silk gowns, with bills, cross-bills, answers, rejoinders, injunctions, affidavits, issues, references to masters, masters’ reports, mountains of costly nonsense, piled before them. Well may the court be dim, with wasting candles here and there; well may the fog hang heavy in it, as if it would never get out; well may the stained-glass windows lose their color and admit no light of day into the place; well may the uninitiated from the streets, who peep in through the glass panes in the door, be deterred from entrance by its owlish aspect and by the drawl, languidly echoing to the roof from the padded dais where the Lord High Chancellor looks into the lantern that has no light in it and where the attendant wigs are all stuck in a fog-bank! This is the Court of Chancery, which has its decaying houses and its blighted lands in every shire, which has its worn-out lunatic in every madhouse and its dead in every churchyard, which has its ruined suitor with his slipshod heels and threadbare dress borrowing and begging through the round of every man’s acquaintance, which gives to monied might the means abundantly of wearying out the right, which so exhausts finances, patience, courage, hope, so overthrows the brain and breaks the heart, that there is not an honourable man among its practitioners who would not give—who does not often give—the warning, “Suffer any wrong that can be done you rather than come here!”

The book’s “MacGuffin” is an eternal probate case, Jarndyce and Jarndyce, which has been wending its way through the Chancery Court, seemingly from time immemorial. The main characters are all connected to the case or the Court. Some are extended members of the Jarndyce family, on one side or the other of the internecine legal battle. Some, like the aforementioned Mr. Tulkinghorn, are lawyers. Others earn their daily bread by doing business with and for the Court and its lawyers, while still more have some tangential connection to the Court, the case, or the other characters. The molassesine morass of the Chancery Court and the self-serving avarice of everyone involved with Jarndyce and Jarndyce, legal professionals and suitors both, are at the heart of Bleak House.

Perhaps this is what drew me to this novel at this time—our current legal profession’s contemptible deployment of lawfare to silence dissent. This week, Trump filed a lawsuit against the Des Moines Register and an individual pollster, Ann Seltzer, for running a poll suggesting—wrongly as it turned out, to our great dismay—that he was losing in Iowa. This, Trump’s ridiculous lawsuit claimed, amounted to “brazen election interference.” He will lose this case, but that’s not the point. The point is to sap his critics of time, money, energy, and the will to live. That new lawsuit came on the heels of a speedy settlement Donald arrived at with ABC News, which corporate overlords, despite their deep pockets, pusillanimously decided not to fight for the First Amendment in court. 

The vengeful President-Elect is not the only MAGA figure to file frivolous lawsuits with the aim of thwarting and/or silencing critics. Devin Nunes sued a pseudonymous Twitter user, Devin’s Cow. Elon Musk sued Media Matters. Mike Flynn sued the indefatigable Jim Stewartson and the Lincoln Project’s Rick Wilson. That last case was tossed out earlier this month. 

“If the purpose of terror is to terrorize,” Wilson wrote of his unpleasant and expensive experience, “the purpose of lawfare is also to terrorize. The tools and techniques of lawfare, particularly these loonbucket defamation suits, would terrify people without means, experience, and strong legal representation.”

If the Trump people keep up with this “SLAPP” lawsuits—and, being soulless ghouls, they will—perhaps the American Bar Association, or the bars of the individual states, might take some decisive action and start 86-ing the attorneys who are serial participants in this systematic legal harassment. But I won’t hold my breath.

Deep into the novel, in a chapter devoted to another amoral attorney, the gray and dull Mr. Vholes, Dickens gives us as unvarnished an assessment as can be found in the thousand pages:

The one great principle of the English law is to make business for itself. There is no other principle distinctly, certainly, and consistently maintained through all its narrow turnings. Viewed by this light it becomes a coherent scheme and not the monstrous maze the laity are apt to think it. Let them but once clearly perceive that its grand principle is to make business for itself at their expense, and surely they will cease to grumble.

But not perceiving this quite plainly—only seeing it by halves in a confused way—the laity sometimes suffer in peace and pocket, with a bad grace, and DO grumble very much. 

What was true of English law then is, if I might suggest, equally true of U.S. law today. Furthermore, we might also, at the butt-end of the Year of our Lord 2024, replace, in that wonderfully candid passage, “the English law” with “the American legacy media,” “the American political system,” “the American entertainment industry,” and, as a nod to the contemporary assassin with the Dickensian monicker of Luigi Mangione, “the American for-profit healthcare industry.”

Money makes the world go round, and their side has a lot more of it than ours—or, at least, a lot more that they are willing to blow on assholery of the kind that will chill journalism and hasten our descent into dictatorship. Democracy doesn’t die in darkness; democracy dies in deposition.

There is also Trump’s fascination with the Gilded Age, the Robber Baron era. Dickens was dead a quarter century before McKinley was elected in 1894, and his descriptions of London are largely drawn from his own childhood in the 1820s. Even so, we can see in Bleak House the qualities that, to Donald’s way of thinking, are what made America so great back in the 1890s: child labor, unsafe housing, air and water pollution, outbreaks of diseases we now vaccinate against, domestic violence, rigid class systems, women as second-class citizens, and, of course, the existence of monarchs.

What I like most about Dickens is that he addresses grim subjects without being a total downer—and thus avoids making us want to stop reading. There is always a level of detachment from the goings-on. Not that we are not emotionally connected—I loved Lady Dedlock, and Esther Summerson, and John Jarndyce—but we never quite feel the danger ourselves. We readers are in a safe space, protected like Mr. Jarndyce protects Miss Summerson.

Dickens is never not optimistic. For all the death and shame and bankruptcy and contagion and dirt and fog and smoke and fire, for all the corrupt lawyers and nasty blackmailers and abused children and homicidal housekeepers, Bleak House is ultimately a hopeful book. If we are shown the worst of humanity, we are also given examples of people at their best—paragons of virtue and decency.

In the 67th and final chapter of the book, the exemplary Esther, our occasional narrator, describes her happiness with her marriage to Allan Woodcourt, a small-town doctor who is the love of her life:

We are not rich in the bank, but we have always prospered, and we have quite enough. I never walk out with my husband but I hear the people bless him. I never go into a house of any degree but I hear his praises or see them in grateful eyes. I never lie down at night but I know that in the course of that day he has alleviated pain and soothed some fellow-creature in the time of need. I know that from the beds of those who were past recovery, thanks have often, often gone up, in the last hour, for his patient ministration. Is not this to be rich?

It is, Esther. It is indeed.

And some of us don’t even require a visit from the Ghost of Christmas Future to know it.

Thank you, Greg Olear, for your gift as a writer and a thinker and for your kindness.

While her ex-husband Jeff Bezos gave $5 million to help house the homeless in central Florida, McKenzie Scott gave $65 million to an organization in Maryland aiming to solve the affordable housing crisis. Four years ago, she gave the same organization $50 million.

Think of it: he helps with a small (by his standards) gift to house the homeless. Scott makes a gift more than 12 times larger to address the problem of homelessness.

Let’s be clear: in a better society, large social and economic problems would be addressed by government, not by philanthropists. But Republicans oppose any attempt to help people who are unable to help themselves. They block all efforts to expand the role of government. They cling to the belief that everyone should take care of themselves; those that can’t should turn to church, family, or local charities, they believe. In the age of Trump, the organizations that help others are likely to get less or no government support.

Scott divorced Bezos in 2019. Since then, she has given $19.2 billion to charitable groups. She is still worth more than $30 billion, based on the Amazon stock she received in her divorce. She’s determined to give away a substantial amount every year.

She represents the very best of philanthropy. No one applies for help. She has a team to research possible recipients. When she decides who are the lucky winners, they get a call from out of the blue telling them the size of their reward. The winners are free to use the money as they see fit.

Entrepreneur magazine reported:

Billionaire philanthropist MacKenzie Scott, 54, donated $65 million to Enterprise Community Partners last month, a national nonprofit based in Maryland that aims to address the U.S.’s shortage of affordable housing.

The surprise donation left the organization shocked, reps said in a statement.

“Some of us probably wanted to cry for joy,” Janine Lind, president of Enterprise’s community development division, told the Baltimore Banner. “This came at a moment where the affordable housing sector certainly is being put to test and is struggling.”

It’s Scott’s second gift to the 42-year-old organization—the first was $50 million in 2020. The organization noted in a press release that Scott’s gift is “one of the largest reported gifts to an affordable housing organization.”

Jeff Bezos’ foundation gave $5 million to expand homeless shelters in Florida. Bezos has assets of about $200 billion. There are many thoughts swirling in my head about this gift. Like, should Bezos have given more? To him, $5 million is pocket change. Should he have underwritten an expansion of affordable housing instead of expanding shelters? And more. Like, what are the consequences of online shopping replacing brick-and-mortar stores? Why is Jeff’s ex-wife McKenzie Scott so much more generous in her philanthropy than he is?

Amazon founder Jeff Bezos’ philanthropic fund has donated $5 million to the Coalition for the Homeless of Central Florida, which will use the money to expand its existing shelter and support its family outreach program.

This is the second time Bezos’ Day One Fund has supported the coalition. In 2021, the nonprofit received a $2.5 million grant.

“With the increase in individuals and families struggling with homelessness, specifically because of this affordable housing crisis, being able to utilize this grant to help those families who are unsheltered is huge for us,” said Trinette Nation, director of development for the coalition.

The Bezos Day One Fund is a $2 billion fund started in 2018 by the Amazon billionaire and his then wife, MacKenzie Scott, to support homeless families.