Archives for category: Vouchers

The appropriations committee in the Arizona House voted 8-5 to approve vouchers (called “Empowerment Scholarship Accounts”) for about half of the state’s 1.1 million students. One of the supporters of the bill wanted vouchers for every student in the state. The vouchers will drain students and funding from public schools. There is no evidence that vouchers improves education, but it is a red-button issue for libertarians, who want to eliminate public schools. They seem unaware that every nation with successful schools has a strong public school system, with neither vouchers nor charters. I cannot explain why Republicans are so unwilling to call vouchers by their rightful name. They have come up with all kinds of euphemism (“opportunity scholarships,” “education savings accounts,” etc.), but a voucher is a voucher is a voucher. Vouchers have not improved the schools or the educational outcomes of children in Milwaukee, the District of Columbia, or Cleveland. But when dealing with ideologues, facts are irrelevant. Republicans in Arizona are determined to wipe out public education, step by step, starting with vouchers for special education, then expanding until it is vouchers for all.

 

 

A House panel voted late Wednesday to let more than half the 1.1 million students in Arizona schools use public dollars to attend private and parochial schools.

 

 

The 8-5 vote by the Appropriations Committee follows the failure of supporters of vouchers to line up the votes in the House to open the door for all students. Sen. Debbie Lesko, R-Peoria, said she hopes this scaled-back proposal gains more support.

 

 

Lesko also crafted this version of SB 1279 to try to overcome opposition from those who say that the vouchers are used largely by families who already can afford to send their kids to private schools.

 

 

It limits eligibility to students whose family income qualifies them for free- or reduced-price lunch programs. For a family of four, that figure is $44,863 a year.

 

 

Stacey Morley, lobbyist for the Arizona Education Association, said the most recent figures show about 565,000 students participating in those programs.

 

 

But that may not cover everyone who would be eligible.

 

 

Morley said high schools are not required to have such programs. Nor are charter schools.

 

 

That means the number of children whose family income would qualify them could be higher.

 

 

Lesko told lawmakers they should not worry there would be a sudden flood of children, armed with scholarships worth about $5,400 a year, fleeing public schools and taking with them the state aid that had gone to those schools. She said state law limits vouchers to no more than one-half percent of public schools students, or about 5,500 youngsters.

 

 

But Rep. Mark Cardenas, D-Phoenix, pointed out that cap disappears after 2019.

 

 

And Rep. Justin Olson, R-Mesa, conceded his goal is to eventually make vouchers available to every public school student in Arizona.

Jan Resseger, a social justice advocate in Cleveland, warns us to beware John Kasich’s calm and mild-mannered approach. He presents himself as the responsible, sensible candidate, not a dyed-in-the-wool conservative like Trump and Cruz. Although Resseger doesn’t mention it, Kasich tried to eliminate  collective bargaining, but the law passed by the legislature was repealed by a referendum. Kasich is a strong proponent of privatization, including charters, vouchers, and cyber charters.

 

Resseger writes:

 

“You do have to give Kasich credit for one thing. He has been honest about his priorities: he is a tax slasher and a charter school supporter. He is also delusional about his accomplishments as Ohio’s governor since 2010. He claims the state has turned around economically. If there has been a turnaround, it hasn’t yet come to Ohio’s Rust Belt cities. He continues to claim he has turned around the Cleveland schools, but that isn’t true either. To his credit, he did, against the wishes of those in his own party, expand Medicaid.

 

“He has also slashed the income tax, eliminated the estate tax, and eliminated a reimbursement the state had created for local governments and school districts when a previous administration summarily eliminated a local tax on inventories and equipment. The Plain Dealer reminded us last Friday that local governments have been busy trying to pass local taxes to make up for enormous losses of state revenue because of Kasich’s “sharp reductions in the state’s Local Government Fund, which was created during the Depression when the sales tax was enacted to share money with the cities and villages.” Under Kasich, according to Friday’s Plain Dealer, state funding in Cleveland this year is down by $21 million, in Columbus by $27 million, and in Cincinnati by $28 million, and the big cities are not the only losers. The inner ring suburb where I live is down over $2 million this year. School districts across the state are struggling to pass levies at the same time they are increasing class size and charging students large fees to play sports.

 

“In a stunning piece published yesterday by Politico, Kimberly Hefling summarizes Kasich’s troubling record of flawed oversight of Ohio’s charter school sector, despite that Kasich has made charter school regulation “a priority.” She quotes Kasich in 2014 claiming: “We are going to fix the lack of regulation on charter schools. There is no excuse for people coming in here and taking advantage of anything.” That was the claim. And to give the governor credit, Kasich signed a law at the end of 2015 that, Hefling explains, “improves the state’s ability to revoke the rights of the poorly rated charter school sponsors and makes it more difficult for schools to switch sponsors.” (It has been a practice in Ohio that if an authorizer tries to shut down a charter school for academic or financial reasons, the school could merely “hop” to a new sponsor.)

 

“Here, however, are some realities described by Hefling, that demonstrate the seriousness of Ohio’s problem with charter schools and that undermine Kasich’s claim that he has led the way to better regulation: “Ohio ranks among the top five states in the number of charter schools. It has more than 370 charters that enroll 132,000 students… but the sector has been plagued with problems including mid-year school closures, allegations of financial improprieties and charter schools ‘sponsor shopping’ to avoid scrutiny. Ohio has more than 60 charter school sponsors, or authorizers, that open and oversee the schools… A 2014 study by Stanford University’s Center for Research on Education Outcomes paid for by the conservative Thomas B. Fordham Institute found students in the state’s charter schools perform worse on average in reading and math than their peers in traditional public schools.

 

“And then there are the notorious online charters. “A big player among Ohio online charters is the Electronic Classroom of Tomorrow, which enrolled 14,000 students last year and was founded by longtime GOP booster William Lager. Another longtime Ohio charter school backer is David Brennan, founder of White Hat Management, who has donated tens of thousands of dollars to Kasich over the years. Innovation Ohio has estimated that since charter schools first opened in Ohio in the late ’90s, $1.8 billion of the $7.3 billion the state has spent on the sector has gone to schools run by Lager and Brennan—or $1 out of every $4 spent. Then, there’s the 11,000-student Ohio Virtual Academy, run by K12 Inc., that donated $100,000 in 2014 to the Republican Governors Association.”

 

“Finally, Hefling reports, there was the scandal that began last summer when David Hansen, then head of the charter schools office at the Ohio Department of Education, submitted a federal charter school expansion grant application that painted a rosy picture of the performance of Ohio’s charter schools and mysteriously omitted the horrible ratings of Ohio’s online charter schools. This whole mess is very much connected to Kasich, because Hansen’s wife was then the governor’s chief of staff and is now the head of Kasich’s presidential campaign. When the U.S. Department of Education responded by awarding what is a $71 million grant to expand charters—and to take over and charterize the Youngstown City Schools—a firestorm broke out. David Hansen was fired for his flawed rating system, and the federal government has demanded documentation that charter school regulation is being improved. As Hefling reports, “(T)he state took the embarrassing step in January of updating its application figures to say that instead of having nine charters schools that are poor performing, 57 are in that condition.” But even in the updated federal application, Ohio’s amended figures rate only brick and mortar schools and omit the politically connected virtual academies….

 

“Hefling summarizes her concerns about Kasich and the charter schools he loves: “Ohio Gov. John Kasich is an avid proponent of school choice, but his home state’s notoriously problematic charter school sector is often held up as an example of what can go wrong.”

 

Resseger includes links to all her statements. Open the post to see them.

 

 

Big news from Oklahoma: the effort to enact vouchers failed in both houses of the legislature. 
Much credit goes to PTAs, who were all over this attempt to spend public money on religious schools.
Even better, Republican parents sent multiple tweets to the governor saying, “I am a Republican and I oppose vouchers.”

An educator and parent in Oklahoma writes here about the legislative effort to install vouchers in Oklahoma. As the previous post argued, the effect and intention of this movement is to destroy public education. No voucher proposal has ever been approved by voters in any state. As legislature maneuvering continues, the bill may not get out of committee. But that is not certain.

 

 

He writes:

 
“Our Oklahoma legislature just passed House Joint Resolution 1062. http://www.oklegislature.gov/BillInfo.aspx?Bill=hjr1062

 
This bill will put on the State Ballot a question that will ask to repeal Article 5 Section II of the Oklahoma Constitution.

 

“Section II-5: Public money or property – Use for sectarian purposes.

 

“No public money or property shall ever be appropriated, applied, donated, or used, directly or indirectly, for the use, benefit, or support of any sect, church, denomination, or system of religion, or for the use, benefit, or support of any priest, preacher, minister, or other religious teacher or dignitary, or sectarian institution as such.
http://oklegal.onenet.net/okcon/II-5.html

 

“This section is known as the Blaine Amendment.

 

“Back in June, the state Supreme Court decided that the religious display on public property violated the OK State Constitution. http://www.oscn.net/applications/oscn/DeliverDocument.asp?CiteID=476438

 

“While the authors claim they want this amendment passed to allow the 10 commandments monument to be placed back at the State Capitol, others believe it is being passed in lockstep with other legislation bills in front of both chambers regarding Education Savings Accounts (Vouchers).

 

“HB2949 http://www.oklegislature.gov/BillInfo.aspx?Bill=HB2949 The bill establishes a school voucher program for students beginning in the 2016-2017 school year.

 

“SB609 http://www.oklegislature.gov/BillInfo.aspx?Bill=SB609 There is hereby created the Oklahoma Education Empowerment Scholarship Savings Program to be administered by the Office of the State Treasurer to provide an education empowerment scholarship savings card for qualified expenditures to support the education of qualified students in this state.

 

“Our State is truly under attack from all sides regarding vouchers, regardless of the recent research that these programs are having a negative impact on student achievement in other states and districts.

 

 

 

 

Veteran educator Rob Miller of Oklahoma writes on his blog about the nefarious goals of the voucher movement. For his courage in speaking out for public schools, he was previously named to the honor roll of this blog.

 

He writes:

 

 

“Can you hear that noise?

 

“The sound is the thud of a hammer pounding the final nails in the coffin of our state’s free and equitable public education system.

 

“As I type these words, Governor Fallin’s office is sending out thousands of robocalls to Oklahoma homes encouraging citizens to contact their lawmakers to support passage of Education Savings Accounts (ESAs) this week.

 

“We already know that the Governor is strongly in support of ESAs after going on record during her State of the State Speech stating she supported the legislation 100% and would sign it as soon as it reached her desk.

 

“Representative Jason Nelson and Senator Clark Jolley’s voucher bills (HB 2949 and SB 609, respectively) serve as the nails which, if pounded into place, will forever change the landscape of education in Oklahoma.

 

“This voucher legislation will begin the final dismantling of our schools. By providing some parents with the ability to use public funds to support their child’s private or home school education, our state will begin the descent down the slippery slope towards the inevitable “vouchers for all”–the true aim of the power brokers behind these bills.

 

“This will essentially allow for the re-segregation of schools, if not on racial lines then certainly on lines of privilege. Those who can afford an education unencumbered by accountability and state mandates will have their escape valve.

 

“As such, parents seeking an educational setting for their children which emphasizes critical thinking, creativity and lifelong learning over test preparation will be able to use their shiny new ESA card to buy it for their progeny.

 

“For those children left behind, we will have education for the masses. Once public schools have been starved of resources, they will have little choice but to open the revolving door to less expensive, inexperienced teachers to turn on the computer or recite the scripted lesson plans.

 

“It doesn’t matter if these young apprentices burn out in only two or three years from boredom and unrealistic expectations. We’ll just bring in the next ones from the pipeline.

 

“We are in a final battle over the bedrock of a functioning democracy: our public school system.”

 

Read on. He explains how vouchers will destroy public education, and why that is their purpose.

“Cashing in On Kids” reports that ALEC education legislation is quietly spreading across the nation. ALEC is the American Legislative Exchange Council, a secretive far-right organization that is funded by major corporations and whose members are state legislators. Its goal is privatization and deregulation. It writes model laws, then its members introduce them into their state legislature as their own. To learn all about ALEC, go to Alec Exposed.

 

Despite widespread public opposition to the corporate-driven education privatization agenda, at least 172 measures reflecting American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) model bills were introduced in 42 states in 2015, according to an analysis by the Center for Media and Democracy, publishers of ALECexposed.org and PRWatch.org. (A PDF version of this report may be downloaded here.)

 

One of ALEC’s biggest funders is Koch Industries and the Koch brothers’ fortune. The Kochs have had a seat at the table – where the private sector votes as equals with legislators – on ALEC’s education task force via their “grassroots” group Americans for Prosperity and their Freedom Partners group, which was described as the Kochs’ “secret bank.”

 

The Kochs also have a voice on ALEC’s Education Task Force through multiple state-based think tanks of the State Policy Network, ALEC’s sister organization, which is funded by many of the same corporations and foundations and donor entities.

 

ALEC’s Education Task Force is also funded by the billionaire DeVos family, which bankrolls a privatization operation called “American Federation of Children,” and by for-profit corporations like K12 Inc., which was founded by junk-bond king Michael Milliken.

 

ALEC’s education task force has pushed legislation for decades to privatize public schools, weaken teacher’s unions, and lower teaching standards.

 

ALEC’s agenda would transform public education from a public and accountable institution that serves the public into one that serves private, for-profit interests. ALEC model bills divert taxpayer money from public to private schools through a variety of “voucher” and “tuition tax credit” programs. They promote unaccountable charter schools and shift power away from democratically elected local school boards….

 

Although ALEC and other school privatizers today frame “vouchers” – taxpayer-funded tuition for private, and often religious, schools – in terms of “opportunity” for low-income students and giving parents the “choice” to send their children to public or private schools, the group was less judicious in its earlier years.

 

The commentary to ALEC’s original 1984 voucher bill states that its purpose is “to introduce normal market forces” into education, and to “dismantle the control and power of” teachers’ unions by directing money from public institutions to private ones that were less likely to be unionized.

 

Friedman was more explicit when addressing ALEC’s 2006 meeting. He explained that vouchers are really a step towards “abolishing the public school system.”

 

“How do we get from where we are to where we want to be?” Friedman asked the ALEC crowd.

 

“Of course, the ideal way would be to abolish the public school system and eliminate all the taxes that pay for it. Then parents would have enough money to pay for private schools, but you’re not gonna do that.”

 

Of course, in order to believe in the idea of “opportunity scholarships” to “save poor kids from failing schools,” you have to believe that the big corporations and the billionaires are civil rights crusaders for the poor and needy. My imagination is not big enough to do that.

 

Christopher Lubienski is a professor of educational policy, organization, and leadership at the College of Education at the University of Illinois. He has written extensively about markets and schools. His most recent book is “The Public School Advantage: Why Public Schools Outperform Private Schools.”

 

He writes here about the recent studies of vouchers:

 

 

For years we’ve heard about how the most rigorous studies of voucher programs consistently show significant gains for students — especially urban minority students — and no evidence of harm.  While that claim was highly questionable, it was nonetheless a central talking point from voucher advocates intent on proving that vouchers boost academic achievement.  The idea that vouchers didn’t hurt, and probably helped, the students trapped in failing urban schools and most in need of options was used to justify calls for the expansion of vouchers from smaller, city-level policies to state-wide programs open to an increasing number of students.

 

Now, a slew of new studies and reviews — including some conducted by the same voucher advocates that had previously found vouchers “do no harm” — is telling quite a different story.  New reviews of existing voucher studies are pointing out that, overall, the impact on the test scores for students using vouchers are sporadic, inconsistent, and generally have “an effect on achievement that is statistically indistinguishable from zero.”

 

But some new studies on vouchers in Louisiana raise substantial concerns, finding that students using vouchers were significantly injured by using vouchers to attend private schools.

 

First, kudos to some of the study authors who have previously identified themselves as voucher advocates, in that they had the integrity to publish their findings.

 

But, what is particularly interesting here is the apparent confusion on the part of voucher-oriented reformers over these new results.  After all, they have a strong theoretical account of how using vouchers to enroll in private schools will lead to greater gains in student learning.  The fact that the new evidence shows otherwise is disorienting for reformers who had believed that private schools are better, and that moving poor students from public schools to private schools would lead to better outcomes.  After all, according to them, at least, all the previous research supported their theory.

 

So what happened?  Voucher proponents have wondered if the program was too new, too big, or open to too many private schools that had little experience with poorer children.

 

Actually, perhaps the past results were not so clear, and the new findings were not so unpredictable.

 

To understand why, let’s consider a related, even over-arching question before we return to these new voucher studies.  Vouchers are premised on the assumption that private schools are more effective.  It’s not just a matter of students in private schools getting higher scores on standardized tests, since it’s well known that they tend to serve, on average, more affluent students who would likely score higher no matter which type of school they attended.  Indeed, some early studies on the public-private question from the 1980s and 90s indicated that, even when researchers control for student demographics and affluence, private, and especially Catholic schools in particular, appear to boost student performance more than do public schools — the so-called “private school effect.”

 

However, more recent research, including some I have collaborated on, has been showing the opposite: that public schools are actually performing at a level equal to or above private schools, and are thus often more effective.  Such findings turn the assumptions for vouchers upside-down.  Why would we want to move students from public schools, which the current generation of research demonstrates are actually more effective on average, to a less effective educational experience in private schools?

 

Voucher advocates thought they had an answer to that.  They argued that their favored reports were “gold standard” studies that showed that private schools are better.  Except those studies didn’t show that.  Even if we accept their findings at face value, what they actually indicated is only that in a relatively few cases the types of students who would use a voucher to leave a failing urban public school for a presumably better private school sometimes scored higher.  That is hardly grounds for scaling up the programs to broader populations.  Those voucher studies are not drawing on representative samples of students, or representative samples of public or private schools, and thus tell us nothing about the question of what types of schools are more effective.  Nevertheless, voucher advocates made this claim in an attempt to show their preferred reform leads to higher scores, and that we should thus expand these programs.

 

In fact, there is much evidence to suggest that improvements in student learning may have less to do with the type of school, but instead depend largely on the types of students served by a school.  That is, vouchers sort students into more academically inclined groups by sending successful applicants to private schools, where they enjoy a beneficial “peer effect” of more affluent classmates, but not necessarily better teaching.  The problem is that there are only so many affluent or academically inclined peers to go around, and as voucher programs are scaled-up, that beneficial peer effect dissipates.

 

Now, with the new results being released for a larger program in Louisiana, this may be exactly what we’re seeing.  Students using vouchers in this state-wide program enrolled in poorer private schools with fewer affluent and academically inclined peers available to improve the learning experience.

 

These new findings are a direct contradiction to the frequent claim that no student has been shown to be harmed by vouchers.  This raises an ethical issue.  If vouchers have been an “experiment,” and randomized trials modeled after medical trials are showing evidence of harm, should policymakers end the experiment, as would be the case in medical research?

 

Regardless, now that voucher advocates are facing evidence challenging their claim that vouchers for private schools boost student performance, expect to see a further retreat from the test score measures they had been embracing to promote their claim on private school effectiveness.  Instead, voucher proponents will move the goalposts and ask us to pay attention to other measures, such as persistence or parental satisfaction, instead.  The problem is, those alternative measures are also problematic and susceptible to peer effects, as time will tell.

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A reader in Arizona reports that a State Senate committee just passed legislation that would lift all limits on vouchers by 2020. Every Democrat and one Republican opposed the bill. Why destroy public education? Since when did radicalism get confused with “reform”? True reformers want to improve institutions, not blow them up. True conservatives conserve community institutions that serve our democracy. The promoters of this scheme are radicals, not conservatives.

This is unfiltered rightwing ideology. No high-performing nation in the world has replaced its public schools with school choice. No voucher program in this country has produced impressive results. Every little church in the state will open or expand its school and hire uncertified teachers. This is not progress. This is stupidity.

Our reader adds:

“It is likely to pass given the makeup of our legislature and its connections to ALEC. The only hope is that Governor Ducey will veto it. He is pro-privatization and under normal circumstances would likely sign the bill but his own proposed funding plan might be in jeopardy if he did so. That means that there’ a chance that he’ll veto it!”

Mercedes Schneider is a close Jeb! watcher. She recognized that he was the godfather of many of today’s most damaging corporate reforms. He linked arms with Michelle Rhee to push for vouchers in Florida (but the voters turned him down). He begat the idea that schools should be given a single letter grade, based mainly on standardized test scores. He has been an enthusiastic cheerleader for school choice of all kinds, especially charter schools and for-profit charters. He cheered the Common Core standards more than anyone. He created an alliance between ALEC and his own organization, the so-called Foundation for Educational Excellence.

 

He started his presidential campaign with more money than anyone else. But voters didn’t want another Bush. They wanted a reality TV star.

 

We can hope that the dimming of his presidential prospects also dims the luster of his faux education reforms, which were always about privatization and profit, not students or education.