Archives for category: Ohio

Bill Phillis, retired deputy superintendent of the state department of education, is a zealous advocate for accountability and transparency. He has made a public records request about the Gulen charter schools in Ohio. He has written a multi-part series based on what he learned. This is Part 4.


Public Records and Charter Schools – Part Four: Buckeye Community Hope Foundation (BCHF)

According to its website, the Buckeye Community Hope Foundation “was founded in 1991 as a non-profit corporation with the mission of developing affordable housing for low-income families and individuals.” In 2005, the organization decided to expand its core purpose by becoming a charter school sponsor. According to an analysis completed by the Education Commission of the States, 44 states provide for charters by statute. However, only Minnesota and Ohio clearly allow non-profit organizations without a singular, core educational purpose like BCHF to serve as sponsors legally responsible for the oversight of these publicly-funded but privately-operated schools.

Since entering the charter school business, BCHF has become the sponsor for 47 schools, nearly as many as the ESC of Lake Erie West (ESCLEW), one of the original charter school sponsors in Ohio. Nine of these are Concept Schools operating under the Horizon Science Academy and Noble Academy brands. These schools are located in Cleveland, Columbus, Dayton, Lorain, and Youngstown.

Consistent with the public records requests sent to the Ohio Department of Education (ODE) and the ESC of Lake Erie West, the Ohio Coalition for Equity & Adequacy of School Funding (Ohio E & A) sent a letter on May 2 to the Buckeye Community Hope Foundation requesting comparable records for the schools it sponsors. But the reply on June 4 from the BCHF attorney was not unexpected:

“… The Buckeye Community Hope Foundation is not a public entity subject to public records requests. Other places you may get the records you desire are the Ohio Department of Education and the public schools themselves.”

In trying to inform the public about state policy and practices, along with reporting on the condition and needs of schools, it was regrettable, but also predictable, to receive this reply from counsel. Instead of dealing with one agency (ODE and ESCLEW), it was suggested that Ohio E & A deal with nine, along with the state agency, to get the information desired. Irrespective of the statute which allows BCHF to collect significant public revenue but use its non-profit status to be immune from responding to public records requests, legislators need to reexamine the statute and require more transparency and accountability from private organizations that benefit from public funds. We will examine this more in Part Five, the final segment in this series.

A final observation on BCHF and its stance on public records reveal that in fact, the public has to rely on ODE to provide the information about the Concept Schools that are sponsored by the non-profit. For example, we had to find out through records sent by ODE, not BCHF that the non-profit had to deal with the same type of issues in its Concept Schools as the public agency sponsor ESCLEW. When you have to find out information from another source when the first party says no, we are not required to do so, that is not reassuring.

The records available to us from ODE, and not BCHF, clearly demonstrate that it is up to the state education agency and, again, not BCHF, to inform the public regarding the operational condition of nine schools. The ODE records revealed a string of parent concerns regarding student expulsion, Individualized Education Program (IEP) issues, and a teacher complaining about one of the schools cherry-picking students in violation of standard public school admission practices. Again, it is not reassuring to find out about such issues through a third party – ODE.

In our final look in Part Five at the topic of public records requests and charter schools, we will make some recommendations about what we learned and what needs to be done regarding the charter school industry that will better serve the public.

William L. Phillis | Ohio Coalition for Equity & Adequacy of School Funding | 614.228.6540 | ohioeanda@sbcglobal.net| http://www.ohiocoalition.org

Bill Phillis, retired deputy superintendent of the state department of education, is a zealous advocate for accountability and transparency. He has made a public records request about the Gulen charter schools in Ohio. He has written a multi-part series based on what he learned. This is Part 3.

Public Records and Charter Schools – Part Three: Ohio Department of Education (ODE)

Under state law, the ODE is responsible for the legal oversight of the state’s network of charter schools, the distribution of state funds that support them, and the enforcement of such compliance measures which are in place. The Department is also in the awkward position of being a charter sponsor itself, with about 25 schools under its sponsorship. In looking at ODE’s role as the compliance mechanism for charters, the Ohio Coalition for Equity & Adequacy of School Funding (Ohio E&A) requested records from the state education agency pertaining to the 17 Ohio Concept Schools from 2008 to the present.

The records received from ODE are abundant in detailing parent complaints regarding the instructional program offered at the Ohio Concept Schools.

Among the complaints received by the Department are issues regarding the proper placement of students consistent with Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) requirements that govern students with disabilities.

A review of the correspondence supplied by ODE indicates that a number of the Gulen schools have experienced other issues besides special education, including allegations by a number of teachers in 2014 at the Horizon Science Academy – Dayton, which were reviewed by the state board of education. The report by the school’s sponsor organization (see Part Four) that was submitted to ODE about the charges against the school has formed the basis of much criticism during the last several years. The charges included lax administrative procedures, physical labor required of the staff, and discrimination by administrators against some staff members. Again, this issue will be reviewed in more detail in Part Four.

In late 2017, the records reveal, the law firm representing Concept Schools and the Gulen chain contacted ODE to advise that the FBI investigation into their schools was still ongoing. Counsel stated that the U.S. Attorney in Cleveland is in charge of the government’s efforts to look at possible irregularities into the use of federal funds allocated for these schools.

Prior to that, a Washington law firm representing the Republic of Turkey contacted State Superintendent Paolo DeMaria. In the letter, the attorneys suggested that the state agency look more thoroughly into the affairs of Horizon Science and Noble Academies, the Gulen-related chain managed by Concept Schools. The law firm alleged that these schools, authorized by Buckeye Community Hope Foundation (BCHF) and ESC of Lake Erie West (ESCLEW), “work under a shroud of secrecy and seemingly under the direction of a handful of Turkish religious leaders. Many of these schools and their operators share a history of financial mismanagement, suspected fraud, apparent self-dealing, discrimination, and unusual immigration/visa practices.”

Also found among the documents submitted by ODE were two reports that are both dated January 16, 2018. Both were submitted by the two sponsors of all of the Ohio Concept Schools, BCHF and ESCLEW. Both also bear the same title – Investigation Report: Concept Schools and are similar in nature. They were written in the same format, and only the conclusion part shows a slightly different narrative approach.

Here is one example: “The ESCLEW has verified the physical address of all governing authority members to ensure that geographical locations have not interfered with attendance to the school or to governing authority.” In the report submitted by the BCHF, that identical sentence is found, followed by an additional sentence for each of their schools under contract. That sentence states “No current members live more than 75 miles from the school.” This statement is repeated for all of the schools under BCHF sponsorship.

Both reports end in the same manner, stating that the FBI investigation was disclosed to the sponsor, but no details are offered. Moreover, both sponsors promise to “monitor attendance at (board) meetings, financials, leases, and teacher turnover.”

It is interesting to note that less than a month after these nearly identical reports were submitted to ODE, a staff member in ODE’s charter school office wrote on February 5, 2018 to ESCLEW in Toledo, regarding an observation about Horizon Science Academy Columbus High School:

Also I would appreciate a copy of the minutes of the GA meeting … And I was surprised that each of the Concept schools in and around Morse Road area of northern Columbus seem to have the same governing authority and they meet on the same day, same place and same time.”

Apparently, this inbreeding among governing boards of Concept Schools does not seem to be an issue with the schools’ sponsors, although it did appear on the radar, however briefly, of ODE. The public would certainly be interested in seeing a graphic of these intersections of boards, along with the traveling distance of the governing board members and the time of day these boards meet.

William L. Phillis | Ohio Coalition for Equity & Adequacy of School Funding | 614.228.6540 | ohioeanda@sbcglobal.net| http://www.ohiocoalition.org

Bill Phillis, retired deputy superintendent of the state department of education, is a zealous advocate for accountability and transparency. He has made a public records request about the Gulen charter schools in Ohio. He has written a multi-part series based on what he learned. This is Part 2.


Public Records and Charter Schools – Part Two: ESC of Lake Erie West

The Educational Service Center of Lake Erie West was formerly known as the Lucas County ESC. This regional educational agency was one of the three original Ohio charter school sponsors, or authorizers as they are called in the rest of the country. ESCLEW, as it is known in shorthand, remains one of the largest promoters of charter schools and sponsors more than 50 of them in Ohio.

On June 7, Amy Borman, an attorney for ESCLEW, replied to Ohio E&A about the records request for the Gulen Schools under its authorization. The request asked for those records held by the ESC which “detail all correspondence relating to the operation” of those particular buildings. Attached with her cover letter was a 239-page document.
A closer examination of this hefty record revealed a plethora of annual reports, mission statements, corrective action plans, and dozens of pages of reviews conducted by the ESC. In one section of the materials submitted, there are 25 pages of mission statements for the eight schools, with five of the statements apparently identical, except for the name of the school.

The records received included a January 2018 document entitled “ESCLEW Investigative Report: Concept Schools,” which showed that during the 2016-2017 school year, one of the schools hired 17 new teachers out of a total staff of 33. While this represents a nearly 50% change in the teaching staff in just one year, the report, which the ESC completed at the request of ODE, says that “Based on the findings of teacher turn over the ESCLEW did not find the numbers to raise concern for the school.”

In a discussion with counsel for the sponsor, she related that there are many factors involved with staff turnover, including new teachers that are at the beginning of their career, and that the range of factors may not be known within the statistics for staff turnover.

There were several other items found in the records that are of note. All of the eight schools contain board members who sit on multiple charter boards, which should raise oversight issues for critics of these schools. This sentence in the 2018 report is of particular interest. “An in depth review of the board membership and affiliation identifies that each governing authority member only sits on four or less governing authority boards which are not all the same boards for each five members, nor are all the schools authorized by the ESCLEW.”

The following sentence in that section of the 2018 report contains this statement: “The ESCLEW has verified the physical address of all governing authority board members to ensure that geographical locations have not interfered with attendance to the school or to governing authority meetings.” We will discuss this concern in more detail at the end of this series on public records.

A final note is made about a statement found in a response to a corrective action plan. On July 13, 2009, an administrator for Concept Schools stated that “It is Concept Schools’ policy that if an employee’s working visa application is denied by US Citizenship and Immigration Services, Concept Schools will refund the expense of the application.” In examining this statement, it remains unclear as to who will be reimbursed for this expense – the Ohio Department of Education or another entity. As with the concern about the selection and residence of board members, this question will also be addressed later in this series.

William L. Phillis | Ohio Coalition for Equity & Adequacy of School Funding | 614.228.6540 | ohioeanda@sbcglobal.net| http://www.ohiocoalition.org

Bill Phillis, retired deputy superintendent of the state department of education, is a zealous advocate for accountability and transparency. He has made a public records request about the Gulen charter schools in Ohio. He has written a multi-part series based on what he learned. This is Part 1.


Public Records and Charter Schools – Part One

Since the beginning of the charter school experiment in Ohio nearly 20 years ago, many questions have been raised about the nature of these schools inasmuch as nearly all are managed by private companies and have hand-picked, unelected governing boards. During the next several days, we will detail an attempt by the Ohio Coalition for Equity & Adequacy of School Funding (Ohio E&A) to find out more about a few of these publicly-funded but privately-operated schools.

Consistent with the Ohio Public Records Law, Ohio E&A sent a request to review all records from 2008 to the present held by the Ohio Department of Education as well as two other organizations that are sponsors of a national charter school chain. The request asked for records that were pertinent to “the operation and oversight” of 17 charter schools in Ohio that are managed by Concept Schools, a charter school management organization located in Chicago. The schools are part of the so-called Gulen network, named for a Turkish cleric who has helped to establish a national charter chain composed of about 167 schools. This chain operates schools under the Horizon Science Academy and Noble Academy brands in Ohio. According to some experts, this means that the Gulen Schools represent the second-largest charter chain in the nation, with only the K12 Inc. chain being larger by total student enrollment.

These schools have been a subject of controversy for years inasmuch as news reports have shown that they are staffed with many Turkish immigrants, while other staff positions have also been filled by Turkish nationals who are in the country on the basis of H1B visas. Critics have said that every foreign national hired at a Gulen charter school is one less job available for a fully licensed, highly-qualified teacher.

In 2014, some of the Gulen Schools were the subject of raids by the FBI, and records were removed from schools across the country. Three of the schools were in Ohio.

The public’s access to records is an important part of open government and transparency. In June, Denis Smith, a retired consultant in the Ohio Department of Education’s charter school office, wrote an Op-Ed in the Columbus Dispatch in support of Ohio E&A’s request for public records and voiced his displeasure about the slow response from the two public agencies in acknowledging receipt of the request for records. The response from the third agency, a non-profit organization, will be explored further in Part Four of this series.

This week, we will report what we found and could not find in the public records released to us since Ohio E&A sent the request asking for information which the public has a right to know. Based on a review of those records, we will also put forward some needed charter reforms to promote greater transparency and accountability for the authorizers or sponsors of these privately-operated schools.

If you live in District 19 in Ohio, I urge you to vote for Louise Valentine.

She is running against Andrew Brenner, chair of the Senate Education Committee, who despises public schools. Under Brenner’s malign leadership, Ohio has supported corrupted charter operators and ineffective vouchers, which drain money from public schools that belong to the community. With Brennan in charge, Ohio’s taxpayers have been bilked of billions of dollars that should have gone to public schools but ended up in the pockets of profiteers.

Louise Valentine has pledged to support high-quality public schools and to insist on charter school accountability.

Vote for her, volunteer to help her, send her money.

Bill Phillis writes:


State Inspector General holding up a report of an investigation into a multi-million contract that the state steered to IQ Innovations, a company owned by the ECOT Man

The ECOT Man’s donations to political campaigns and political party organizations opened up several spigots connected to state revenue streams. IQ Innovations, created by the ECOT Man, received millions via a contract steered to it by state officials. The Ohio State University was a section of the pipe through which the funds flowed. The chancellor of the Board of Regents was an operative in turning on the spigot.

The attached news release provides yet another sordid piece of the ECOT scandal.

Why the corruption? Because some state officials not only allow it to happen but helped it happen.

“The whole people must take upon themselves the education of the whole people and be willing to bear the expenses of it. There should not be a district of one mile square, without a school in it, not founded by a charitable individual, but maintained at the public expense of the people themselves.”
– John Adams, September 10, 1785

William L. Phillis | Ohio Coalition for Equity & Adequacy of School Funding | 614.228.6540 | ohioeanda@sbcglobal.net| http://www.ohiocoalition.org

The Electronic Classroom of Tomorrow (ECOT) is the biggest online charter scandal in the nation, for now. The state poured more than $1 billion over 17 years into this for-profit enterprise, with no accountability until recently. After the state finally audited ECOT, it learned that there was no system in place to know whether students logged in, whether they participated in instruction, and commenced proceedings to recover at least $80 million. ECOT fought the state in court and lost. Rather than return the money, ECOT closed its doors.

Almost every Republican official running for statewide office received campaign funding from William Lager, the entrepreneur behind ECOT. Mike DeWine, the Republican candidate for governor, returned the ECOT money, but continues to accept contributions from other for-profit charter “schools.” Online charter schools everywhere have dismal records and are typically the worst-performing schools in every state where they are allowed.

One thing became obvious: the Republican elected officials who received Lager money showered ECOT with favors, including no-accountability, no oversight, and regular appearances as graduation speakers. It is striking how little money it cost Lager to buy their loyalty.

Bill Phillis, Ohio watchdog, writes here that ECOT got even more than the $1 billion that has been reported.

He writes:

Remember the Straight A Fund grants?

State Superintendent Dr. Richard Ross hatched the idea of passing out grants for school improvement via the Straight A Fund. Millions of dollars were distributed.

Incredibly, in fiscal year 2014, ECOT received a grant of $2,951,755 in Straight A Funds. (ECOT also received a huge grant of state money that was funneled through The Ohio State University.) ECOT over the years collected $130 million in federal funds. All these funds were in addition to the billion dollars ECOT took from school districts.

When ECOT received the $3 million Straight A Fund grant, at least some Ohio Department of Education (ODE) officials should have known that ECOT was collecting money for students not participating in the ECOT program.

The $3 million Straight A Fund grant to ECOT was for “A Personalized Learning Road Map for Every Math Student Grades 6-12…” During the 2015-2016 school year ODE found less than half of ECOT students were participating in any part of the ECOT program.

Obviously the grant didn’t reach all students-possibly not any students.

At this juncture in the ECOT saga, will there be any attempt to claw back any portion of state grants and federal dollars ECOT received? Did anyone at ODE monitor the ECOT expenditures of the federal and state grants?

Who is responsible for allowing ECOT to squander hundreds of millions of dollars?

William L. Phillis | Ohio Coalition for Equity & Adequacy of School Funding | 614.228.6540 | ohioeanda@sbcglobal.net| http://www.ohiocoalition.org

Bill Phillis also posted this question from a public education advocate:


Jeanne Melvin, President of Public Education Partners (PEP), reveals a Michigan charter advocate’s political campaign donations to Ohio politicians

The charter industry has birthed a network of political campaign donors devoted to the expansion of the industry. Such groups as the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC), All Children Matter, Inc., (formerly run by Betsy DeVos), Michigan Mackinac Center for Public Policy and Democrats for Education Reform, influence state and federal legislation in support of the charter industry.

The idea that charters would be operated by teachers and parents in the context of a school district was hijacked. A charter industry has evolved which has spawned a multi-billion dollar support group. Education policy is primarily driven by campaign contributions from charter operators and charter support groups.

To the Editor:

I respond to the Sept. 2 Dispatch.com article “Which side is right in political battle over ECOT blame?” Why is the demand for accountability concerning the largest scandal in our state’s history being called a political battle?

Speaking up for our children and their families, as well as Ohio taxpayers, should never be considered a partisan issue.

There is no excuse for allowing this $1 billion charter school fraud to continue for 18 years. Concerns were raised about the cozy relationship between charter school boards and their management companies in 2002, and our elected officials looked the other way to protect their campaign coffers.

If Electronic Classroom of Tomorrow’s structural setup had been the same since 2000, why is Ohio Attorney General Mike DeWine finally taking legal action against William Lager? If it’s illegal now for Lager to direct taxpayer money to his companies, why wasn’t that problem handled years ago?

It’s nice to see that DeWine recently donated $12,533 in Lager contributions to charity, but sadly, he continues to take campaign cash from for-profit charter school companies.

On Aug. 31, his campaign received $10,000 from J. C. Huizenga, a member of the board of directors of the Mackinac Center for Public Policy “think tank.”

Huizenga is also one of the major funders of All Children Matter Inc., which still owes Ohio a $5.3 million election fine. The unpaid fine dates back to 2008, when All Children Matter – a group that lobbied for school-choice legislation and was run by Betsy DeVos – broke Ohio election law by funneling $870,000 in contributions through its nationwide PAC to its Ohio affiliate, according to the Ohio Elections Commission.

Huizenga’s company, National Heritage Academies, is affiliated with the American Legislative Exchange Council and sits on its Education Task Force. Through ALEC, corporations, ideologues and their politician allies follow an aggressive agenda to legalize spending public tax dollars to subsidize private K-12 education such as charter schools.

It’s time for Ohio voters to elect pro-public education candidates in November. Our children are counting on us.

Jeanne Melvin, Columbus

Huizenga’s charter chain, National Heritage Academies, operates for profit. He is a close associate of Betsy DeVos.

Mercedes Schneider reviews an exhaustive report by Richard Phelps about the origins, policies, and practices of the Thomas B. Fordham Institute.

I approach this topic with caution because I was a founding board member of the Thomas B. Fordham Foundation and Institute. I was a close friend of Checker Finn, until I broke ranks and turned against the conservative activism in which TBF is a prominent actor. I don’t say bad things about Checker or Mike Petrilli. But I don’t agree with them, I think they are doing immeasurable damage to public education, and I regret that they lack the ability to be self-critical or reflective. When I was on the board, I strongly opposed the decision to accept funding from the Gates Foundation. I said it would compromise TBF’s independence. I was right. I opposed the board’s decision to become a charter authorizer in Ohio, where TBF is technically located. I thought that a think tank should not be a charter authorizer. That was well before I took issue with the whole conservative package of standards, testing, accountability, and choice.

Read the entire Phelps’ report.

Phelps raises a serious issue of “donor intent” and whether it was honored. The TBF Funds were intended by their owner to be used strictly for charitable purposes, Phelps writes, never to benefit any individual nor to influence legislation. When I was a member of the board, I was unaware of these restrictions. Mrs. Thelma Fordham Pruett’s lawyer was Checker Finn’s father. He was chairman of the board of the TBF foundation. He decided that the funds—about $35 Million—were not restricted, and he turned them over to his son, who became CEO of the new foundation and used the funds to promote a highly political agenda of education reform. The Fordham Institute has led the way in advancing privatization by charters and vouchers in Ohio. Nationally, it was and is a leading voice in promoting the Common Core standards. Gates paid millions of dollars to TBF both to evaluate the Common Core and to advocate for it.

This is a very troubling report.

An ally in Ohio read NPE’s “Hijacked by Billionaires,” about the purchase of elections by the rich, and she wrote this letter to the editor:


There is no excuse for allowing the ECOT $1 billion charter school fraud to continue for 18 years. Concerns were raised beginning in 2002, and our elected officials looked the other way to protect their campaign coffers.

Why is Ohio Attorney General Mike DeWine finally taking legal action against William Lager? If it’s illegal now for Lager to direct taxpayer money to his companies, why wasn’t that a crime years ago?

AG DeWine donated $12,533 in Lager contributions to charity, but Mike DeWine continues to take campaign cash from for-profit charter school companies.

The DeWine/Husted gubernatorial campaign recently received $10,000 from J. C. Huizenga, a member of the board of directors of the Mackinac Center for Public Policy “think-tank.” Huizenga is also one of the major funders of All Children Matter, Inc., which still owes Ohio a $5 million election fine that DeWine’s office has been reluctant to collect. Huizenga’s charter school company, National Heritage Academies, is closely affiliated with the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC.) Like his colleague Betsy DeVos, does Mr. Huizenga also expect a favorable return on his investment?

It’s time for Ohio voters to elect pro-public education candidates in November. Our children are counting on us!

Jeanne Melvin,

Columbus

Jan Resseger nails the politicians who are responsible for ignoring the ECOT scam. The $1 billion that ECOT took to produce inferior education (or none at all) was purchased with campaign contributions, 92% of it to Republicans.

As it happens, the guilty politicians are running for state office this November. In only a few weeks, they will be judged by the voters.

Jon Husted, the Republican candidate for lieutenant governor; Keith Faber, the Republican candidate for state auditor; Mike DeWine, the Republican candidate for governor; and Dave Yost, the Republican candidate for attorney general.

Will the voters in Ohio remember in November who skimmed millions from their public schools to enrich the owner of ECOT?