Archives for the month of: January, 2017

John Thompson, historian and teacher, teaches in Oklahoma.

 

He writes:

 

“National readers will be shocked, shocked, to hear that the nomination of Betsy DeVos marks the beginning of a new school privatization campaign in the red state of Oklahoma. Seriously, as each of our state’s school systems are attacked, we must share those experiences in order to inform our collective responses.

 

“On the eve of the November election, Oklahomans had reason to be optimistic about rolling back test-driven, market-driven reform and, perhaps, starting to restore massive cuts to the education budget. But, out-of-state “dark money,” funded a last minute, post-fact advertising campaign which defeated a state question which would have raised teacher salaries. Betsy DeVos’ American Federation for Children poured money into legislative races, often funding the opponents of teachers who were running for office.

 

“Trump and DeVos reenergized true believers in vouchers. A Republican legislator said that last year’s effort to expand vouchers was defeated by just a few votes, but “the time is now” for a new campaign. Even our most reasonable congressman, Tom Cole, says of DeVos, “She is an advocate of charter schools, vouchers, opportunity scholarships and homeschooling. … Her steady leadership and depth of knowledge will be fundamental in improving our nation’s education system.”

 

“The editorial page of Daily Oklahoman has long given a platform to test-driven, competition-driven reformers, but now it offers a nonstop supply of national and local corporate reformers offering commentaries such as, “Paul Greenberg: Betsy DeVos is a Fighter and a Winner.” Another guest commentator, Benjamin Scafidi, claims that it is the increase of administrative spending, not budget cuts, that created our state’s crisis. Since 1992, the number of Oklahoma students has increased by 35% more than the number of teachers, but administrative costs have grown by $225 million per year. Scafidi claims that that money could have funded a teacher pay raise of more than $6,000 – or it “could reduce class sizes by giving a $7,000 scholarship to more than 36,000 students, thus allowing them to attend the school of their family’s choice.”

 

“Scafidi claims to have evidence that it wasn’t state and federal mandates (like requiring millions of dollars of computer systems to keep score of test score growth in order to fire teachers) that caused all of the administrative increases. (emphasis mine) He claims that his charges would be provable if the government would release more data. Since evidence for this rightwinger’s assertion isn’t available, readers are merely supposed to trust the editorial’s title,” Economics Professor: Non-teaching Staff Surge Prevented Oklahoma Teacher Pay Raises.”

 

“Before the election, there was reason to hope that Oklahoma’s primitive A-F School Report Card could be made less destructive. Even Mike Petrilli (who the Oklahoman cites as a traditional conservative who praises DeVos) admitted that the old grade card wasn’t reliable because it was based on proficiency rates, and they “are strongly correlated with student demographics, family circumstance, and prior achievement.” The answer, said Petrilli, is “growth measures that instead track the progress of all pupils [and] therefore do a better job of capturing schools’ effect on student achievement.”

 

So, what happens when the new A-F Report Card uses the growth measures that the Oklahoman editorial page praised?

 

The Oklahoman now (incoherently) editorializes against the growth model that it previously supported: “In plain English, that means specific target goals for black and white students refer primarily to middle- and upper-income families, not children living in poverty. Thus, schools would have lower academic goals for middle-class minority students than for comparable white students based solely on race.”

 

“So, what can Oklahoma educators and patrons anticipate, and what lessons apply to other states? In our extreme mess, teachers must compete with other state employees who have gone for years without a raise. Due to budget cuts, state employees are “nearly 24 percent below the market rate for similar positions in the public and private sector.” Last year’s budget cuts were so severe that 113 Oklahoma City Public School System principals have gone public with their opposition to the ways that reductions were implemented. Teachers are complaining that conditions are worse than during the “Great Recession” and, perhaps, even the meltdown which occurred during the crack and gangs years when deindustrialization spun out of control and the banking system collapsed. End of the semester resignations are pouring in.

 

“And now the state faces close to a $900 million shortfall for next year! (It’s so bad that the Republicans are calling for a tax on tattoo parlors and car washes, even though they won’t consider the restoration of progressive taxation.)

 

http://newsok.com/article/5531318?slideout=1

 

http://newsok.com/oklahoma-budget-hole-nearly-900-million/article/5531558

 

“And that brings us to the national lessons. Since No Child Left Behind, and especially during the last 8 years, even many Democrats have pushed an anti-teachers union agenda. Mass school closures and charterization have eliminated good-paying jobs for support staff, as they drove unionized teachers from the profession. Who knows how many presidential votes were lost in Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Wisconsin because loyal Democrats lost their jobs due to mass charterization demanded by reformers such as Democrats for Education Reform?

 

“Other states will face differing and similar challenges as DeVos leads a new choice campaign. During the last year, I believe, many Oklahoma business conservatives finally started facing up to the fact that so-called “high-performing, high-poverty” charter schools wouldn’t dare take over the type of high-poverty neighborhood schools that we have in Oklahoma City. Proposals for mass conversions of traditional public schools by “public” charter schools would result in thousands of “disconnected youth,” high-challenge students pushed out by charters. Our conservatives had been realizing that a return to the 1980s, with crowds of jobless youths walking the streets during the school day, would not be good for business.

 

“DeVos offers a larger arsenal, however, and it has emboldened privatizers. Now, high-poverty neighborhood schools can supposedly be replaced by private as well as public charters, vouchers, and homeschooling, with all of those options enhanced by expanded virtual school options. And the new spin is that choice will actually help public schools weather the budget crisis!?!?

 

“This brings us to another national lesson. Whether we’re speaking about DeVos’ acolytes or more establishment-type reformers like Mike Petrilli, corporate reformers don’t need no stinkin’ facts; they just need more post-fact headlines condemning public schools, and legislatures devoted to shrinking government to the point where it can be strangled in the bathtub. As test-driven, competition-driven reform cripples teachers and public sector unions, resistance to the right wing legislative agenda will become more difficult.

 

“We can also expect more crocodile tears editorials as Social Darwinism undermines the education, health, and economic futures of poor families. They will be mourned as the victims of unions, educators, and Democrats who ____. That blank will be filled in by whatever spin pops into commentators’ heads.”

Samuel Abrams, experienced high school teacher, director of the National Center for the Study of Privatizarion in Education, and author of the new book “Education and the Commercial Mindset,” has some good advice for Donald Trump and Betsy DeVos. 

 

He knows they want to run schools like businesses but he says it is important to take the right lessons from business, not the wrong ones.

 

“The fundamental problem with the free-market model for education is that schools are not groceries. Education is complex and the immediate consumer, after all, is a child or adolescent who can know only so much about how a subject should be taught. The parent, legislator and taxpayer are necessarily at a distance.

 

“Groceries, by contrast, are discrete goods purchased by adults who can easily judge each item according to taste, nutritional value and cost. Supermarkets can likewise be easily judged according to service, atmosphere and convenience.

 

“Although the free-market model isn’t a good fit for schools, there are five business concepts that should be embraced by education reformers and policymakers.

 

“Much as early stage investment in promising companies can deliver outsized rewards for investors, early stage investment in schooling can deliver significant rewards for society. Another Chicago economist, James Heckman, analyzed data from Michigan and North Carolina going back several decades and found that no other infusion of public dollars comes close to matching the rate of return of high-quality early childhood education.

 

“Since the days of Henry Ford, business has understood “efficiency wage theory.” In 1914, Ford doubled the pay of assembly-line workers from $2.50 a day to $5. Economists later validated the results: It costs less to pay more, as employers attract and retain better workers and thus improve production and even reduce costs of both supervision and turnover. Studies show a similar tight relationship between teacher pay and educational outcomes.

 

“An analysis of teacher salaries and student performance in science (at age 15) provides an example. The data come from the five Nordic and six English-speaking countries involved in the 2012 Program for International Student Assessment. The U.S. and Norway paid teachers 68% and 71% as much as fellow citizens with university degrees, respectively, and posted scores just below the PISA average. Finland and Canada, on the other hand, paid teachers 97% and 105% as much as fellow citizens with university degrees and posted scores far above the average.

 

“Retaining good teachers and grooming administrators from within the ranks instead of handing over the reins to outsiders constitutes another significant lesson from the corporate playbook. As the business historian Alfred Chandler documented, great organizations develop talent internally. Education researchers have repeatedly shown, in particular, that teacher turnover impairs student achievement. In addition, as Los Angeles may remember from its experience with David Brewer, superintendents without classroom experience tend to be out of step with pedagogical needs.

 

“Pay for performance — another cardinal objective of business-minded reformers like DeVos — sounds logical but backfires. Instead, reformers should follow the lead of W. Edwards Deming, the father of the modern Japanese auto industry, who contended merit ratings and pay generate fear and undermine teamwork. “The organization is the loser,” he wrote.

 

“Separate longitudinal studies of merit-based pay for teachers in Nashville and Chicago, completed in 2010 by researchers at Vanderbilt University and Mathematica, bear him out. They found no effect on student achievement.

 

“Cease dependence on inspection to achieve quality,” Deming wrote. “Routine inspection becomes unreliable through boredom and fatigue.” That recommendation should be applied to the annual testing of students in reading and math mandated by the No Child Left Behind Act in 2001 and reauthorized by the Every Student Succeeds Act in 2015.

 

“Instead of “routine inspection,” Deming urged detailed analysis of small samples. Bucking widespread practice, the Finns do exactly that, with high-quality exams administered to small groups of students. Teachers consequently feel no pressure to “teach to the test,” students get a well-rounded education and administrators gain superior understanding of student progress. Finnish teens score at or near the top of international educational assessments.”

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

A few people have written to say that I should ignore Trump and focus on education.

 

I have explained that it is impossible to do that because Trump wants to destroy public education. He has chosen a Secretary of Education who has no experience in public schools, never attended them, never sent her children to them, views them with contempt. She is an evangelical Christian and a billionaire. She wants to use the schools to spread her religion. She has spent millions of dollars on political candidates who share her views. She will inflict immense harm on public education, which is a central feature of our democratic society.

 

Trump himself is a product of military school and private school. His own children attended a private school (The Hill School) where the tuition is $50,000 a year. He doesn’t want that kind of elite education for other people’s children. He wants federal education funds to be used to put children into charter schools, cybercharters, and religious schools.

 

No high-performing nation in the world has privatized its public schools. Every child should have access to a great public school, no matter where they live or what their zip code. Every child should have access to a school with small classes and experienced teachers; to beautiful facilities and an excellent curriculum; to schools with arts classes staffed by arts teachers; to libraries with qualified librarians; to schools that value play, imagination and creativity more than test scores; to schools and teachers dedicated to the development of every child.

 

In the Trump-DeVos era, public education won’t be wiped out completely, but it will certainly be seriously weakened. Education spending will be flat or reduced, and public schools will be forced to cut funding, lay off teachers, lose electives, and increase class sizes. Public schools will be starved because they will have no priority in the Trump years. The absurdity of this approach to federal policy should be obvious since there is no evidence to support it and clear evidence from Chile and Sweden that free-market policies fail in education. Trump and DeVos could look closer to home–Detroit, Milwaukee, New Orleans, D.C.–to see that school choice produces segregation and inequity, not better education.

 

Trump is a menace to democratic values (small d). By his appointments, Trump has shown his disdain for science, knowledge, research, evidence, and even for the people who voted for him. He is a demagogue. Period.

 

Let me be clear: If you admire Trump, this is not the blog for you. I will be unsparing in my critique of education policies that harm children, teachers, or public schools. It is impossible to think or talk about a “better education for all,” when we have a president who believes in privatization, disparages science, and cares not at all for equity or excellence.,

Meryl Streep spoke last night at the Golden Globe awards, where she received a lifetime achievement award. She spoke about kindness, decency, compassion. She spoke about the role of the artist and the importance of the arts. She spoke about immigrants and the power of diversity. She urged everyone to support a free press, specifically the Committee to Protect Journalists. She called out an unnamed powerful person who mocked and mimicked a disabled reporter. All in a few minutes.

 

Please watch.

 

Donald Trump responded with a tweet, saying that Streep is “overrated” and that she “doesn’t know me but attacked me.”

 

So one cannot attack Trump’s words or actions unless you “know” him. Hmmm.

 

 

Meryl Streep won the Golden Globes Lifetime Achievement Award last night. Her acceptance speech was powerful. (Please note that she emphasizes the fact that she went to the public schools of New Jersey.)

 

She said:

 

Please sit down. Thank you. I love you all. You’ll have to forgive me. I’ve lost my voice in screaming and lamentation this weekend. And I have lost my mind sometime earlier this year, so I have to read.

 

Thank you, Hollywood Foreign Press. Just to pick up on what Hugh Laurie said: You and all of us in this room really belong to the most vilified segments in American society right now. Think about it: Hollywood, foreigners and the press.

 

But who are we, and what is Hollywood anyway? It’s just a bunch of people from other places. I was born and raised and educated in the public schools of New Jersey. Viola was born in a sharecropper’s cabin in South Carolina, came up in Central Falls, Rhode Island; Sarah Paulson was born in Florida, raised by a single mom in Brooklyn. Sarah Jessica Parker was one of seven or eight kids in Ohio. Amy Adams was born in Vicenza, Italy. And Natalie Portman was born in Jerusalem. Where are their birth certificates? And the beautiful Ruth Negga was born in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, raised in London — no, in Ireland I do believe, and she’s here nominated for playing a girl in small-town Virginia.

 

Ryan Gosling, like all of the nicest people, is Canadian, and Dev Patel was born in Kenya, raised in London, and is here playing an Indian raised in Tasmania. So Hollywood is crawling with outsiders and foreigners. And if we kick them all out you’ll have nothing to watch but football and mixed martial arts, which are not the arts.

 

They gave me three seconds to say this, so: An actor’s only job is to enter the lives of people who are different from us, and let you feel what that feels like. And there were many, many, many powerful performances this year that did exactly that. Breathtaking, compassionate work.

 

But there was one performance this year that stunned me. It sank its hooks in my heart. Not because it was good; there was nothing good about it. But it was effective and it did its job. It made its intended audience laugh, and show their teeth. It was that moment when the person asking to sit in the most respected seat in our country imitated a disabled reporter. Someone he outranked in privilege, power and the capacity to fight back. It kind of broke my heart when I saw it, and I still can’t get it out of my head, because it wasn’t in a movie. It was real life. And this instinct to humiliate, when it’s modeled by someone in the public platform, by someone powerful, it filters down into everybody’s life, because it kinda gives permission for other people to do the same thing. Disrespect invites disrespect, violence incites violence. And when the powerful use their position to bully others we all lose. O.K., go on with it.

 

O.K., this brings me to the press. We need the principled press to hold power to account, to call him on the carpet for every outrage. That’s why our founders enshrined the press and its freedoms in the Constitution. So I only ask the famously well-heeled Hollywood Foreign Press and all of us in our community to join me in supporting the Committee to Protect Journalists, because we’re gonna need them going forward, and they’ll need us to safeguard the truth.

 

One more thing: Once, when I was standing around on the set one day, whining about something — you know we were gonna work through supper or the long hours or whatever, Tommy Lee Jones said to me, “Isn’t it such a privilege, Meryl, just to be an actor?” Yeah, it is, and we have to remind each other of the privilege and the responsibility of the act of empathy. We should all be proud of the work Hollywood honors here tonight.

 

As my friend, the dear departed Princess Leia, said to me once, take your broken heart, make it into art.

 

 

 

 

Here are the members of the Senate Committee on Health Education Labor and Pensions.

 

http://www.help.senate.gov/about/members

 

Eight of the 12 Republican members have received money from Betsy DeVos.

 

On the Democratic side, Michael Bennett is a major advocate for charters and a favorite of DFER.

William Cavanagh, professor of Catholic Studies at DePaul University patiently explains to working people who voted for Trump: “You have been hoaxed!”

 

Billionaires are not populists.

 

“Dear blue-collar Trump voters,

 

“Surprise! Judging from Donald Trump’s cabinet choices, it turns out that a narcissistic billionaire who doesn’t pay taxes might not be the champion of the working class after all. Who could have predicted that?…

 

“I could go on. This administration is a robber baron’s dream come true. Some accuse Trump of betraying his populist message, but I don’t think that Trump is simply being a hypocrite. Trump doesn’t think of any of his cabinet choices as anti-worker, because he thinks being pro-business is the same as being pro-labor. The theory is that if you shower business with benefits, business will create jobs, and that’s good for workers.

 

“Sometimes it works that way. Certainly there are plenty of good businesspeople out there who care for the common good and for the earth, who listen to their workers and cooperate with them to create strong companies with happy and secure employees.

 

“But in Trump’s world, businesspeople are the heroes and should be running the country. Power needs to be taken from the government and from the workers and given to corporate executives, who know best. Worker safety, the right to unionize, overtime pay, workers’ compensation, banking regulations, the health of the environment—all these and more are nuisances from the point of view of Trump and friends. They believe that corporate executives will create lots of great jobs if they are unshackled from the fetters of regulators and unions.

 

“In truth, however, the interests of the owners, and the managers who work for them, will inevitably conflict with the workers’ interests. And when they do, whose side will Donald Trump and friends take? Trump is a wealthy businessman who has surrounded himself with wealthy corporate executives. When push comes to shove, do you seriously think they give a damn about you?”

 

This billionaire is no populist. He is a nativist, a white nationalist, a demagogue. But not a populist.

 

 

 

 

British intelligence agencies warned US intelligence agencies about Russian hacking in 2015.

 

The New York Times notes that the US intelligence agencies were aware of the hacking but were slow to respond.

 

The report, compiled by the F.B.I., the C.I.A. and the National Security Agency, makes no judgments about the decisions that the agencies or the White House made as evidence of Russian activity mounted. But to anyone who reads between the lines and knows a bit of the back story not included in the report, the long lag times between detection and reaction are stunning.

 

The delays reveal fundamental problems with American cyberdefenses and deterrence that President-elect Donald J. Trump will begin to confront in two weeks, regardless of whether he continues to resist the report’s findings about Russia’s motives.

 

The intrusion hardly had the consequences of Pearl Harbor some 75 years ago, when the incoming force was seen on radar and dismissed. But it had similar characteristics. Then, as now, a failure of imagination about the motives and plans of a longtime adversary meant that government officials were not fully alert to the possibility that Mr. Putin might try tactics here that have worked so well for him in Ukraine, the Baltics and other parts of Europe.
And while American intelligence officials — who were focused primarily on the Islamic State and other urgent threats like China’s action in the South China Sea and North Korea’s nuclear and missile threat — saw what was happening, they came late to its broader implications.

 

It was telling that within an hour of the release of the report on Friday, the secretary of homeland security, Jeh Johnson, declared for the first time that America’s election system — the underpinning of its democracy — would be added to the list of “critical infrastructure.” This after years of cyberattacks on campaigns and government agencies.

 

In the intelligence report’s most glaring example of the government’s lagging response, it says that “in July 2015, Russian intelligence gained access to Democratic National Committee networks” and stayed there for 11 months, roaming freely and copying the contents of emails that it ultimately released in the midst of the election. Classified briefings circulating in Washington indicate that British intelligence had alerted the United States to the intrusion by fall 2015.

 

Almost immediately, a low-level special agent with the F.B.I. alerted the Democratic National Committee’s information technology contractor, which doubted the call and did nothing for months. The F.B.I. failed to escalate the issue, even though it was clear from the start that the attackers were almost certainly the same Russians who had mounted similar campaigns against the State Department, the White House and the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

 

At a news conference in December, President Obama made it clear that he was not aware of any of this until mid-2016, nearly a year after the hacking began and the British had sent up a flare.

 

 

Peter Greene reviews Arne Duncan’s bold effort to declare American public education a failure, to impose high-stakes testing on teachers everywhere, and to develop a test-based system of evaluation for teachers, students, administrators, and schools, all tied to national standards (the Common Core). In pursuit of his fancy, Duncan caused damage to real people: thousands of schools were called “failures,” thousands of teachers’ lives were ruined.

 

If you read my book “Reign of Error,” you will learn that reformers spun a Big Lie about “failing schools,” as an excuse for privatizing as many as they could. They pointed to an achievement gap between different groups and blamed it on schools and teachers, without bothering to demonstrate that their preferred alternative–charter schools–would have any effect on reducing those gaps.

 

In reviewing Duncan’s disappearing “legacy,” Greene offers a few words of consolation:

 

At this point I can feel a little bad for Duncan—he didn’t really accomplish any of his major goals, and the next administration is not even going to pay lip service to his efforts. It must be tough to feel like you really know a lot about how something works, but the people in power won’t even listen to you. It feels, in fact, a lot like being a teacher during Duncan’s tenure at the U.S. Department of Education.

 

One of the curious effects of the recent election is the Republican Party’s dramatic turnabout on Russia and Putin. Those of us old enough to remember Senator Joseph McCarthy find this change both starling and amusing.

 

Oddly, some on the left defend Putin because they think that any criticism of Russia is red-baiting. But Russia is no longer red or Communist, which is why Republicans are eager to join in the Great Billionaire Barbecue.

 

This article by James Kerchick tells the the story of the Republican-Russia romance. Now even Newt Gingrich and Sarah Palin are fans of Putin and his revival of state capitalism and conservative white Christendom.