Archives for the month of: September, 2012

Many people have asked for a good reading list.

When I will have time, I will compile a short list of important books.

Meanwhile, here is one reader’s suggestions:

 

Anti-Intellectualism in American Life, by Richard Hofstader

Left Back, by Diane Ravitch

Education for Freedom, by Robert Maynard Hutchins

The University of Utopia, by Robert Maynard Hutchins

No Friendly Voice, by Robert Maynard Hutchins

The Higher Learning in America,by Robert Maynard Hutchins

The Conflict in Education in a Democratic Society, by Robert Maynard Hutchins

The Great Conversation: The Substance of a Liberal Education, by Robert Maynard Hutchins

Great Books, by Robert Maynard Hutchins

The Learning Society, by Robert Maynard Hutchins

The Death and Life of the Great American School System: How Testing and Choice Are Undermining Education, by Diane Ravitch

How to Read a Book, by Mortimer J. Adler (Try to get an edition between 1940 and 1966; the later editions have less discussion on education.)

The Closing of the American Mind, by Allan Bloom

The Opening of the American Mind, by Mortimer J. Adler

The Paideia Proposal, by Mortimer J. Adler

The Paideia Program: An Educational Syllabus, by Mortimer J. Adler

Paideia Problems and Possibilities, by Mortimer J. Adler

The Paideia Classroom: Teaching for Understanding, by Terry Roberts and Laura Billings

The Aims of Education, by Alfred North Whitehead

The Age of American Unreason, by Susan Jacoby

The Assault on Reason, by Al Gore

Come Home, Amercia, by William Greider

The Enlightenment (2 Vols.), by Peter Gay

The Making of Americans, by E.D. Hirsch

The Revolt of the Elites, by Christopher Lasch

Death of the Liberal Class, by Chris Hedges

The Age of Narcissism, by Christopher Lasch

The House of Intellect, by Jacques Barzun

Begin Here, by Jacques Barzun

Dark Ages America, by Morris Berman

Why America Failed, by Morris Berman

The Tyranny of Testing, by Banesh Hoffmann

The Mismeasure of Man, by Stephen J. Gould

Last spring, Jeb Bush and Michelle Rhee tried to push the phony “parent trigger” legislation through the Florida legislature. It seemed to be a slam-dunk, since the legislature is controlled by Republicans and the governor is Republican, and the skids were greased to turn more public schools over to the charter corporations. These corporations give generous campaign contributions, so the table was set to add to their portfolios.

But they forgot about the parents, the alleged beneficiaries of the “trigger.”

Florida parent organizations turned out in force to oppose the “trigger.” They knew what the game was, and they knew it was not for their benefit that Bush and Rhee and ALEC were so eager to “empower” them with the ability to give their public school to a corporation. The Florida PTA and groups like Testing is Not Teaching, Fund Education Now, and 50th No More opposed the “trigger.”

Parents made a difference. They understood that the goal of the “trigger” is to shoot public education in the heart. They convinced enough Republican senators to vote against the bill that it ended in a 20-20 deadlock in the state senate. Of course, the forces of greed will return again, but parents will organize again.

Parents in Chicago are organizing to support the Chicago Teachers Union. One group, the parents of the 19th Ward, have been outspoken. I got this email today:

I wanted to share this post, which was written by Nellie Cotton, an involved Chicago Public Schools parent, an activist who speaks truth to power in a snap, a strong CTU supporter and a woman I am so happy to call my friend. Nellie has agreed to let me forward her post. I think it speaks to the experience a lot of parents have had in CPS, but not a lot have taken up the cause as brilliantly as Nellie.
 
Maureen Cullnan
19th Ward Parents
I was just thinking of how I became involved in all this and of all the wonderful people who have helped me become empowered. Please forgive me for rambling.
 
All this first started about three years ago when due to budget cuts, we were going to lose positions. One of those was an exceptionally gifted and beloved teacher, Miss Susan Cummings. Miss Cummings is simply amazing as a teacher. Her love of teaching and her “spark” are palpable. I felt helpless. Not knowing what to do, I approached my LSC for guidance, only to be told this happens, nothing you can do against CPS and, by the way, “Where were you when this issue first came up? “
 
I could not let this rest. My daughter Cecilia (she was Miss Cummings’ student)  and I went door to door with a petition demanding her position not be cut. We collected 261 signatures and went to a board meeting to present them, sent copies of the  same stuff every Tuesday and Thursday to our congressman, House Speaker Michael Madigan, and to Mayor Daley. I went to the monthly CPS school board meetings. Then one day as I had given CPS CEO Ron Huberman my weekly packet, I coincidentally met that dynamo ,Karen Lewis. She was president-elect of the CTU and she introduced me to Jesse Sharkey, who took my information and urged me to join CORE, any parent groups, or my LSC because “Parents and teachers must work together to be effective.” 
 
I knew then she was a dynamic force. 
We are grateful we still have our Miss Cummings!
  
Fast forward to Mayor Emanuel pushing longest day on CPS schools. Again I was shot down by my LSC, as this was a done deal, I was told. CPS had several staff people come talk to the parents and tell them it was a done deal, accept it.  
 
I couldn’t!  I knew better.  
 
My mother picketed and boycotted in order to get a high school built in Pilsen.  I had been active in keeping Pope John Paul II school open!   Again I started with petitions, signs and red bows on trees. I asked to use Lawler Park to have an informational meeting and, honestly, did not have a real grasp on all the issues at the time.  I was struggling with medical issues, my Mom was terminally ill, and I was just going on faith. 
The day of my meeting, I realize now that I had no grasp of the issues. I was going on moxie alone. I was so blessed to have Maureen and Christine contact me out of the blue and take time to do a presentation on the issue at hand. I was blown away. They came armed with information and passion. They are incredible! Through them and because of them,  I have met so many other fantastic people that are affecting positive changes and inspire me every day. Wendy Katten, Erica Clark, Kelly, Jennie, Becky, Laura and Jimmy, The 19th Ward Parents,  I am proud to know you, you guys ROCK! And so many others …
 
If nothing more,  this journey has afforded me the opportunity to meet such incredible people. Thank you for advocating for what truly matters!
 
Nellie Cotton
CPS parent

Experienced principal Carol Burris describes how she evaluates teachers at South Side High School in Rockville Center, New York.

I am tired of reading that “teacher evaluation is broken” and therefore teachers need to be evaluated by points and student test scores. The idea that evaluation is broken comes from “the Widget Effect”, a report created by Rhee’s New Teacher Project.  It claims that teachers are rated satisfactory/unsatisfactory, with nearly all being in the first category.

I have never used that rating system in my 13 years as principal. Nor have any of my colleagues on Long Island. It is used in New York City. New York City is large and important, but it is notevery district. That rating system could have been changed through collective bargaining, if the mayor and UFT had the will to do so.

I cannot tell you what every principal does, but I can speak to what I do and it has worked to build a great school.

First, there is a difference between the supervision of instruction and evaluation.  Evaluation is summative and judgmental. The clinical supervision of instruction consists of the observations, short and full period, written and not, the conversations and meetings with teachers about students and curriculum, the review of lesson plans and student assessments.  It is that important space where the principal and teacher meet to talk about teaching and learning. It is where teaching is reflected upon and improved. It should NOT receive numbers….unless you want to destroy its effectiveness. This will all change with APPR.

My assistant principals and I meet twice a week for several hours and we review our observations of teachers. We make sure that we are consistent in our feedback. We keep a recordof instructional concerns to make sure that we are not sending mixed messages and that we are concentrating not on trivia, but on what is most important. We identify teacher strengths and discuss how we can have the teacher share those strengths with colleagues. This is the most important part of our job.  We do most of the professional development for our teachers, often teaching those sessions along with teachers.

Evaluation, in my school, for tenured teachers is a narrative report issued at the end of the year.In that report, the teacher reflects on the goals she chose to develop that year. She and the supervisor choose goals for the following year. She lists professional development activities and ways in which she engaged with students.  The assistant principal or I sum up what we saw when we observed. We list strengths and areas for improvement.  

If the teacher is struggling, she is placed on intensive supervision.  If that occurs, the next year she is observed formally at least four times, lesson plans are reviewed in greater detail, there are frequent meetings that focus on instruction and planning, a teacher mentor may be assigned etc. The point is to give greater support. It works. Teachers get better. Most need to be on it for a year, some for a few years.  We have had teachers ask to continue informally after the process ended. It is very time consuming for the principal, but it is time well spent. In the very rare cases when a teacher digs in and does not improve, there is a process called 3020a.

Supervision and evaluation for untenured teachers are far more extensive. There are at least four observations. There is mandated professional development. The first year, they are assigned a mentor teacher. The teachers in my building are very collegial—they work closely together on the development of plans, units and assessments. They provide great support to new teachers.  

I do not give tenure easily—it must be earned.  Because of our commitment to equity, our school is not an easy place to teach—we do not hide struggling or reluctant students in low-track classes.

There are teachers who are not a good fit—although they may be successful somewhere else. Evaluation forms for untenured teachers are complex and lengthy. There are four categories for each dimension on which they are evaluated, and we provide narrative to back up the rating. No numbers are assigned. Although we may mention their students’ scores, it is not part ofevaluation. It is a thoughtful summation of the teacher’s work. By carefully monitoring to whom we give tenure, we have built a very strong faculty

.

I have no desire to have more power to dismiss tenured teachers.  It is my job to make sure that they are serving students well, and if they are not, to address it.  All of the tools are there. Although perhaps it makes sense to make the 3020a dismissal process shorter and less costly, it should never be easy. Tenure protects educators from the whims of political school boards.Teachers can give students grades fairly without having to worry that their parents are powerful people. It gives them the protection to speak the truth when it might be unpopular. Tenure helps build community in schools and that is very good for students and families.

 

I am very proud of my teachers. Nearly every one of them signed the principals’ letter against APPR, despite repeated pressure not do so. Not one has removed his or her name. They know they are more than a number. They know what being evaluated by test scores will do their school and their collegial relationships. Our teachers are true professionals. I think most teachers and principals are.

A reader asked me to describe the differences between charter schools and magnet schools

This is what came to mind.

I welcome readers’ thoughts about other differences.

Magnet schools and charter schools have superficial similarities. They may or may not be selective. Their differences are greater than their similarities.

Magnet schools were initially created by local school boards in the late 1960s and 1970s to promote racial integration. The idea behind them was that a theme like the arts, or the sciences, would attract so many applicants that the school could select a racially diverse student body. Charter schools rarely seek racial integration; many charter schools are one-race, one-ethnicity. The UCLA Civil Rights Project warns that charter schools are more segregated than the districts in which they are located.

Another significant difference is that a magnet school is part of the public school system, the result of a decision by a democratic board to create a school for a special purpose. By contrast, a charter school requires a transfer of public funds to private management; it is a form of privatization.

The magnet school is subject to the same laws, rules and regulations as other public schools; the charter is exempt from most of the laws, rules and regulations applied to public schools.

Magnet schools don’t boast of their higher scores because everyone understands that they have a selection process and do not represent a random representation of all students; charter schools do boast of their higher scores (when they have them) and claim to be “better” than public schools and deserving of more public and private funding.

Magnet schools have the same funding sources as public schools; charter schools have private boards which are able to raise additional funding for them. In some districts, like New York City, charters spend more than public schools.

Another difference is the workforce: where unions are permitted by law, public school teachers are part of a union or collective bargaining unit; this is not true for charters. Nearly 90% of charters do not have unions.

Some charter schools are owned by for-profit corporations; some part of the tax dollars they receive are paid to investors and stock-holders. Some charter schools are nonprofit but pay exorbitant executive salaries and management fees; it is a matter of record that some high-profile charter leaders are paid $300,000-500,000 annually to oversee a small number of (non-profit) charter schools. The charters pay a hefty management fee to those who run them. A well-known charter chain in New York City is paid a management fee of $2,000 per student, all from taxpayer funds. That’s a nice income for a “nonprofit.” One charter in Pennsylvania pays a management fee of $16 million to chief executive officer, whose for-profit company supplies all goods and services to the charter.

No public schools are run by for-profit organizations.

Magnet schools are part of the public system; charters are part of a separate system, which has its own interests, its own lobbyists, its own separate advocacy organizations.

A new reader has joined our discussion and is looking for answers to important questions. I assured this reader that we have explored these topics in some depth; that we know that the purpose of reform is to eliminate unions; to get rid of tenure; to cut the budget for schools; and to privatize the greatest extent possible, with profits where possible for smart investors in “reform.”

I invite the new reader to hang out with us and join our discussion.

Any advice for the new member of our discussion group?

Please forgive me if I am pulling this conversation back to farmed-out ground (I’m new); but is it fair to say that the gist of the corporate-backed educational “reform” movements today is generating cheaper teachers?This is how the equation boils down for me (a public school teacher). As I’ve been trained to show my work, my thinking is that the greatest “reform” that privatization and charter school movements bring is the elimination of union contracts. And that the primary consequence of eliminating unions in any field is lower labor costs.If the above argument holds water, is it acceptable to eliminate the obfuscating phrase “educational reform movement ” and replace it with the clearer “reducing educator salary” movement? Or, more simply, the “labor-busting” movement? Or the “cheapness” movement?In a similar vein, I am wondering if Dr. Ravitch and others have exposed the cant behind the argument that problems with tenure stem from unions. There don’t seem to be many general-public sources pointing out that no one from a public teacher’s union awards tenure to teachers. Every single public decision to grant tenure is made by an elected school board, advised by its appointed educational managers. If the nation’s schools are saddled with incompetent tenured teachers, the blame falls on leadership and management, does it not? From all the complaints being voiced about tenure that outsiders — many from the world of corporate management — it seems pretty clear to me that the nations educational managers apparently couldn’t recognize an incompetent teacher if they got hit with a hammer by one of them. What is eliminating tenure going to help this group of apparently bumbling crop of managers transform into brilliant predictors of pedagogy? At least tenure forces educational decision-makers to live with the consequences of their incompetence. Lifting the pressure of having to evaluate their teachers in three years and educational managers will be even less accountable for their bad decisions. In the world of corporate management, weakening the chains of accountability is an insane act — something that you would think the corporate nabobs nattering about our schools would understand. Unless they absolutely do understand what they are saying is absurd but don’t care, since the real goal isn’t improving our schools at all.

One reader says that schools and teachers can lift children out of poverty. He says it is happening.

This reader dissents.

To be clear, and I think the writer of this post would agree, teachers and schools save children’s lives every day. Poor kids can succeed. Poor kids can make it into Harvard, thanks to their grit and the support of family and teachers.

But that is not the norm, and it never will be. Teachers alone, no matter how great they are, can’t overcome poverty. Thinking that it is so doesn’t make it so.  Saying that it is so doesn’t make it so. As this reader says, tests always produce results correlated with income.

The irony of reform today is that it relies on the one measure guaranteed to reflect family income: standardized tests.

No it’s not “happening”, Shaun. I have millions of data points from every administration of NAEP, PISA, TIMSS, ACT, and SAT for many years in history. Kids in poverty ALWAYS score lower on average.

Poverty dictates student achievement more than any factor, and schools and teachers cannot overcome its effects. Nor should we have to.

Politicians and economists MUST fix poverty. But they are too busy ruining the teaching profession to care.

And more now than ever, from study after study, financial mobility is becoming more and more difficult for the poor and even the middle class.

So, just where is this “happening”, and please no miracles allowed? If you want to rely on miracles, for every one miracle student or school (that didn’t cheat) you want to show me, I can show you exponentially more that never make the miraculous feat.

After reading another post, this teacher explained why she would not teach in a private school again:

I taught at a private school once in my career. The owners micromanaged us like vultures circling. We were told in so many words not to give grades below a C.  While they were in the early years they were not super selective as long as your parents could pay the $10,000 tuition.  I still never saw a true special needs student.  They asked me to teach subjects I was not qualified for until my speciality had enough kids enrolled.  I have never been that stressed in my life.  2 years of that and I quit teaching and took a job traveling.  Then I came back and took a job in a public school.  While it is not perfect I prefer it far more than the private school.  I believe in public education and I would not spend one dime on any private school for my daughter ever after that experience.

An article in The Atlantic by a political reporter named Molly Ball claims that Michelle Rhee is “taking over” the Democratic Party.

It curious that Rhee owns the party but was not invited to speak and explain her views. So many speakers ridiculed Mitt Romney because, they said, he likes to fire people. Funny, Rhee likes to fire people too. When she ran the DC schools, she invited a PBS camera crew to watch her fire a principal.

I wrote to the author of this article. You should too. Post a copy here if you do. Her email address is in the article.

This is what I wrote:

Would a Democrat work to promote a for-profit chain?
Would a Democrat work with Republican governors Rick Scott, Chris Christie, and Mitch Daniels?
What part of Rhee’s agenda differs from that of the most rightwing Republicans?
What Democrat would have accepted an honor from the far-right voucher-loving organization American Federation for Children, which simultaneously honored Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker?
Nothing that Rhee advocates has ever succeeded.
Neither charters nor vouchers nor merit pay nor evaluating teachers by test scores has any evidence of improving education.
Diane Ravitch

Some people assume that private schools are inherently better than public schools.

Not really.

They select their students and remove those who don’t meet their demands.

One big advantage they have is they are free of meddling politicians.

This private school teacher gives her views:

 

I taught in public schools for nearly 30 years and transitioned to private schools after retiring a few years ago, and I can assure you that private schools are not immune from bullying. The world we live in is filled with mean people. Private schools are a good choice because the class sizes are conducive to learning, values are taught, and they have involved parents who are a great support and resource. With that being said, I am not an advocate of vouchers.
Public schools offer programs for special needs children that private schools cannot and do not provide. I agree that if we fund public education and provide manageable class sizes along with ongoing support for teachers and students, success will be an inevitable consequence for all students. The general public needs to be better informed about education because there are far too many misconceptions about the way things work.

David Lentini, a reader in Maine, comments (in response, I promise to do some instruction on this blog about the history of school reform, which has been an American pastime for over a century):

I started reading about the history of education reform in America about 10 years ago, when our national insanity was becoming too extensive to ignore under the reign of “W”.  Wondering how a country could boast both the most widely and extensively educated population in history and also have the greatest disdain—if not outright loathing—for intellect, I found my way to Richard Hofstader’s “Anti-Intellectualism in American Life”.  Hofstader’s book (which won the Pulitzer Prize in 1964) gives an excellent description of America’s historical distaste for intellectual discourse, instead favoring a volatile combination of fundamentalist religion and laissez-faire capitalism that emphasizes received wisdom over deliberative thought.  In discussing this history, Hofstader gives an excellent overview of the heavy influence that business had on the education reform movements that started about 1890 and their brutal treatment of those who wanted to center American schooling around a traditional liberal education model.  His comments on the NEA’s “The Committee of Ten” report in 1892, advising a rigorous liberal arts education for all American children and its drubbing by the elites at schools like Columbia’s Teachers College makes rather depressing reading.

Following Hofstader, I came across a copy of the first edition (1940) of Mortimer Adler’s “How to Read a Book”.  Adler’s book, which I found to be an excellent tutorial for what we now seem to call “deep reading”, included a blunt discussion of the reformist forces that demanded the end of the traditional liberal arts curriculum and its replacement with electives which he and Robert Maynard Hutchins fought against at the University of Chicago in the ’30s and ’40s.  I’ve read both Adler’s and Hutchins’s later critiques of education as well, and, having attended several of the notable schools in this country (including Chicago) and watching the increasing barbarity of our culture the graduates of the schools seem so bent on imposing on us all, I can only say I consider much of what they wrote to have been prescient.  I’m a big fan of Adler’s Paideia approach to education.

I also highly recommend Diane’s book “Left Back”, which is a more focused history on reforms in public secondary education than Hofstader, Adler, and Hutchins.  Diane, I hope you will write about your book to share the history of our reformist “misery-go-round” in education in which the same tired and failed ideas are recirculated every generation or two, and the wild-eyed, take no prisoners reformers simply move from one fad to the next without any care of the history of reforms.  American education reform truly echos Santayana’s famous remark that “those who forget the past are condemned to repeat it.”  I’m currently reading “Education and the Cult of Efficiency: A Study of the Social Forces That Have Shaped the Administration of the Public Schools”, by Raymond Callahan.  Callahan’s book take a very focused look at the influence that business leaders have had on reform, how they and the elite university Education schools drove a brutal “efficiency” agenda in the early decades of the 20th Century, and how so much of the criticisms we see today are nothing but rehashes of the same straw men, red herrings, and defamation that were common a century ago.  Callahan makes many references to the demands of business leaders that schools abandon traditional education in favor of what is essentially job training and the rebuttals from educators, including an excellent excerpt from a school superintendent who called out the reformer’s charade for what is really was (and still is): another public subsidy for big businesses.

From all of this, I have come to some tentative conclusions:

1. Americans won’t ever be happy with public education until they understand that education and job training are two different things, and that we can’t have a functional democracy and market economy—the two most intellectually demanding forms of society imaginable—without the sort of education that historically has done the most to produce sound thinking—a traditional liberal arts education that develops the whole intellect.

2. The reformers will continue their pernicious campaigns until we abandon the childish fantasy that education can be done cheaply, painlessly, and effortlessly by some technical fix.  Having earned two degrees in chemistry and a law degree, and having taught my own children as well as the children of others, I know that learning any subject is an intensely personal experience.  Good teachers are more like good coaches than sales persons or entertainers.  The idea that we can substitute pedagogical training for mastery of actual subject matter, or that filmstrips, radio, television, movies, or computers, or whatever whiz-bang technology comes next can substituted for actual intellectual engagement between a teacher-master and a student is nothing but charlatanism.  We—parents, school boards, and tax payers—have to start saying “no” to the self-proclaimed experts reformers who are nothing but shills for corporations that seek to insert they probosces into the tax revenue stream.

3. Our political and economic structures are founded on certain ideas that grew out of a region of the planet we call the “West”.  These political and economic structures thus reflect certain cultural ideas and practices that are different (not necessarily better, just different) from the cultural ideas and practices found in other parts of the world, and are expressed in a large body of history, philosophy, literature, and art that all who want to be citizens of our country should understand.  These ideas and practices are open to all people, not just to those who claim some vestigial cultural heritage (like northern European Protestant ancestry).  The best way to create a tolerant society is to teach everyone about that society’s cultural heritage, so that the members of that society have a sound foundation from which to study and understand other cultures.  (I have to agree with Allan Bloom on this point.)  The key however, is that we recognize there are differences among cultures, that we have to accept that our way is unique (but not necessarily better), and that we first must understand our culture and ourselves before we can understand other cultures and others.  Now, I fear, we start from the premise that all cultures are equally valued; therefore all are the “same”; therefore there is no need to learn about our history, philosophy, literature, and art; therefore we should just learn what we need to in order to get a job.  And we wonder why America is beset with bullies and war mongers.

Diane, I hope you will comment more on the history of reform movements in America, so that we all can better communicate the current reform charades we are plagued with.  And any comments on my thoughts are most welcome.  I expect some will find point 3. controversial, I can only say that I make my points without prejudice to anyone.