Archives for category: Teacher Evaluations

This report comes from a parent activist in Dallas, which held its school board election on Saturday (yesterday).

UPDATE: Kirkpatrick beat Marshall by 300 votes but fell short of 50%, and there will be a runoff. The future of Dallas’s failed corporate reform hinges on this race. Great that Kirkpatrick came in ahead of businessman Dustin Marshall. And fabulous that dedicated board member Joyce Foreman was re-elected!

https://www.dallasnews.com/news/education/2017/05/06/pivotal-dallas-isd-trustee-race-close-call

Read what follows with knowledge that Lori Kirkpatrick came in first and is going into a runoff with Marshall.

“Great news from Dallas, Texas to report. Public school advocate, and tireless Dallas ISD trustee Joyce Foreman has retained her seat on the school board in today’s elections.

Also, public school advocate and parent Lori Kirkpatrick has won a seat on the Dallas ISD school board. In a runoff for the same seat last year, Dustin Marshall won by only 42 votes against Mita Havlick, another parent and public school advocate.

Marshall, a business person who lost this time around, is in favor of the district’s pay for performance (TEI) initiative, the proposed Texas Education Agency A-F campus grading system, expanded school choice, and, would you believe it, vouchers. He has also been heavily involved with Uplift Education, the largest charter operator in Texas. A textbook deformer.

Marshall, of course won the endorsement of the Dallas Morning News Editorial Board for being a “vocal supporter of the Teacher Excellence Initiative, the district’s evaluation system, as an effective way to measure effective teachers and hold them accountable for improving student outcomes.
https://www.dallasnews.com/opinion/editorials/2017/04/12/recommend-dustin-marshall-disd-trustee-district-2 The DMN editorial writers still don’t get it, will probably never get it. But this time around, their candidate lost. Yay!

Kirkpatrick, the winner, states in a Dallas Morning News questionnaire, that “I am running for office because public education is under fierce attack. I expect my trustee to be committed to DISD and public education. I am 100% committed to DISD as evidenced by the fact that I send my daughter to DISD. This is in stark comparison to my opponent who has school-aged children all of whom are in private school. Additionally, I am opposed to diverting public money to private schools, unlike my opponent who voted against a resolution opposing vouchers and the A-F grading system.”

Further, she states, “Teachers with whom I have met feel very deflated due to the TEI evaluation system. I understand from them that many of their colleagues have left and won’t return due to this system. Teachers deserve to be paid fairly for the extraordinarily difficult job of educating our children. I will work to ensure we provide a fair evaluation system and thus pay so that we can maintain a quality educator at the helm of every classroom…..I think (TEI) is deeply flawed and needs a major overhaul. It is a factor in poor teacher morale, teacher turnover and hurts DISD when it comes to attracting new teachers. Education must remain a collaborative endeavor and should not artificially cap the number of teachers that can reach the top ratings, thus incentivizing those with less experience and those just becoming experienced while leaving the truly experienced teachers without the same opportunity to advance and gain fair compensation.”

https://www.kirkpatrick4disd.com/single-post/2017/05/03/The-Debate-between-Kirkpatrick-Marshall

This powerfully written article by John Connally appears on Kirkpatrick’s website. It deserves to be quoted in its entirety.

“I attended the recent debate between the two main candidates for Dallas ISD District 2 at Mata Montessori School.

On one side of the stage, Lori Kirkpatrick, a physician assistant at Parkland Hospital; on the other, businessman and incumbent Dustin Marshall. The debate was quite brief but still revealed a striking, if by now familiar, distinction between two visions for public education.

Kirkpatrick spoke of the gift of public education to society, conveyed an empathy for schoolteachers working under hostile conditions, and underlined the cost to society of not providing teachers and students with the necessary resources and support.

In contrast, Marshall expressed concern over an apparent mismatch between teacher evaluations and student test scores, and focused on the need to craft incentives to drive below average teachers out of the profession and expose “failing” schools. (According to this logic, parents would then have the knowledge required to choose between public schools — as if the choice of where to locate one’s family is comparable to choosing between two different colored apples at the grocery store.)

This hard-nosed business approach to overseeing schools actually has a long-failed history. Yet it’s an irony that, no matter the facts and evidence, this same approach is pursued relentlessly by those very people who portray themselves as objective and rational.

Why is it that this business-driven approach to public education has such a failed history? One reason is that treating teachers as self-serving individuals driven only by monetary incentives to achieve high class test scores can lead some to respond in kind by gaming the system to save their jobs. Notorious and extreme examples of this have been documented in places like Baltimore, Washington, and Atlanta.

But the more general answer to this question was given by the renowned scholar, James Q. Wilson. Public schools are not “production” or “procedural” organizations but what Wilson called “coping” organizations. This means that their operational activities and outputs are not easy to observe or measure. This is an intrinsic characteristic of public schools. To think of a public school as some kind of black box with well-defined measurable inputs and outputs is a pretense; indeed, a dangerous and dehumanizing pretense given all the students in danger of being tagged as failures at an early stage in life.

There is a further irony here. All this emphasis on test scores, rote learning, and impersonal teaching, is only advocated for students in public schools. For students in private schools it’s often just the opposite: intramural sports, Shakespeare, and joyful inquiry, sometimes taught by outstanding former public school teachers who reluctantly fled the system to escape the mind-numbing obsession with constant assessment, monitoring and micro-management.

It’s therefore not surprising that the issue of public v. private schools has come up in the race between Kirkpatrick and Marshall; in particular, concerning why the incumbent, Marshall, chooses to send his own children to a private school while promoting himself as the best qualified person to be public school trustee for Dallas ISD District 2.

Marshall took umbrage at the suggestion his decision had any kind of broader significance, explaining that he sent his children to the same private school he attended and of which he had such fond memories, claiming that one of his motivations in running for office is to help others experience the same positive start that he had at a private school.

Of course, from the perspective of a private citizen, where one chooses to send one’s children is one’s own business, and there are plenty of circumstantial reasons one can think of as to why parents may choose not to send their child to the local public school.
But what does it mean — as a matter of public policy — to view one’s private school experience as a kind of ideal to which public schools should aspire? Public schools differ in crucial ways from private schools.

Unlike private schools, public schools are subject to elected school boards, class size requirements, building regulations, as well as all kinds of state regulations, such as being required to cater to students with special needs. Teachers in public schools must have state certification and public schools must comply with a state-approved curriculum.

Private schools are not subject to these constraints. Further, private schools are not bound by the U.S. Constitution, including the Bill of Rights. In contrast, public schools have no discretion on such weighty matters.

So while one should not begrudge the incumbent his fond memories of private school, it does not necessarily seem the appropriate kind of experience one should be looking for in a public school trustee.

Interestingly, in his debate with Kirkpatrick, Marshall sought to allay any fear that he was some kind of educational extremist, stating that he disapproved of the recent appointment of Betsy DeVos as United States Secretary of Education.

But why is it so many people agree that DeVos is unqualified? The question was recently put in an interview to Diane Ravitch, former Under Secretary of Education to George H.W. Bush, and a leading national thinker on public education. Ravitch responded (talking about DeVos): “Well, she does not understand anything about education except for escaping from public schools. She’s never taught. She’s never supervised. She’s never attended public schools. Her children did not attend public schools. She thinks that public schools everywhere are just awful …”

If these kinds of criticisms are appropriate of DeVos, are they not also relevant to other candidates for public education posts (like this District 2 Trustee seat) when their experience, both as a parent and student, is limited to that of private schools?

Of course, unlike DeVos, Marshall has not explicitly advocated for vouchers. Indeed it would be foolhardy to do so — the public is strongly against these ideologically-driven social experiments. It is for this reason that Marshall’s opponent, Lori Kirkpatrick, is undoubtedly correct in emphasizing that one needs to look beyond words to specific actions in assessing where one comes down on this highly charged political issue. In this regard, Marshall’s recurring advocacy of competition and school-choice as the panacea to the problems of public schools is significant — student against student, teacher against teacher, school against school. Reward the winners and drop the losers — precisely the kind of thinking that led to the original idea of vouchers.

How did this Darwinian survival-of-the-fittest paradigm come to be seen as appropriate for public education? And how is the system supposed to replace all these supposed “underperforming” teachers that Marshall is so keen to drive out the system? What better and more experienced people are going to choose teaching as working conditions become ever more hostile?

But perhaps that’s not something we should be concerned with. Diane Ravitch points out that many of the “school choice” advocates seem to think that computers can do much of the work formerly done by “inefficient” teachers. Again though, the plan is selective. As Ravitch puts it: “the poor will get computers, the rich will get computers and teachers.”

The truth is that there has always been a battle over two alternative visions for public education. One sees it as essentially about knowledge and enrichment, as education for life as a citizen through the cultivation of independent critical minds, and therefore crucial to a functioning democracy.

The alternative perspective sees public education as serving quite different ends: the sorting of students at an early age to determine their place in society and role in the workforce; the promotion of deference to authority, conformity, passivity, and docility.

The two visions are incompatible. Take your pick.”

_________________________________________________________________________
John Connolly lives in East Dallas. He has a Ph.D. in Political Science and has several articles published on law, politics, and education.

Postscript to Diane, normally information has been sent about Dallas ISD elections before the vote, but the results have not been favorable for the pro public school candidates. So, the results information is being sent after the vote because there was in fear of jinxing the election. Today was a great day for Dallas ISD.

[I guess my correspondent in Dallas jinxed the outcome by declaring victory before all the votes were counted! Here is hoping that Lori Kirkpatrick can maintain her lead in the runoff and became a member of the DISD board.]

Audrey Amrein-Beardsley of Arizona State University is one of the nation’s most prominent scholars of teacher evaluation. She is especially critical of VAM (value-added measurement); she has studied TVAAS, EVAAS, and other similar metrics and found them deeply flawed. She has testified frequently in court cases as an expert witness.

In this post, she analyzes the court decision that blocks the use of VAM to evaluate teachers in Houston. The misuse of VAM was especially egregious in Houston, which terminated 221 teachers in one year, based on their VAM scores.

This is a very important article. Amrein-Beardsley and Jesse Rothstein of the University of California testified on behalf of the teachers; Tom Kane (who led the Gates’ Measures of Effective Teaching (MET) Study) and John Friedman (of the notorious Chetty-Friedman-Rockoff study) testified on behalf of the district.

Amrein-Beardsley writes:

Of primary issue will be the following (as taken from Judge Smith’s Summary Judgment released yesterday): “Plaintiffs [will continue to] challenge the use of EVAAS under various aspects of the Fourteenth Amendment, including: (1) procedural due process, due to lack of sufficient information to meaningfully challenge terminations based on low EVAAS scores,” and given “due process is designed to foster government decision-making that is both fair and accurate.”

Related, and of most importance, as also taken directly from Judge Smith’s Summary, he wrote:

HISD’s value-added appraisal system poses a realistic threat to deprive plaintiffs of constitutionally protected property interests in employment.

HISD does not itself calculate the EVAAS score for any of its teachers. Instead, that task is delegated to its third party vendor, SAS. The scores are generated by complex algorithms, employing “sophisticated software and many layers of calculations.” SAS treats these algorithms and software as trade secrets, refusing to divulge them to either HISD or the teachers themselves. HISD has admitted that it does not itself verify or audit the EVAAS scores received from SAS, nor does it engage any contractor to do so. HISD further concedes that any effort by teachers to replicate their own scores, with the limited information available to them, will necessarily fail. This has been confirmed by plaintiffs’ expert, who was unable to replicate the scores despite being given far greater access to the underlying computer codes than is available to an individual teacher [emphasis added, as also related to a prior post about how SAS claimed that plaintiffs violated SAS’s protective order (protecting its trade secrets), that the court overruled, see here].

The EVAAS score might be erroneously calculated for any number of reasons, ranging from data-entry mistakes to glitches in the computer code itself. Algorithms are human creations, and subject to error like any other human endeavor. HISD has acknowledged that mistakes can occur in calculating a teacher’s EVAAS score; moreover, even when a mistake is found in a particular teacher’s score, it will not be promptly corrected. As HISD candidly explained in response to a frequently asked question, “Why can’t my value-added analysis be recalculated?”:

Once completed, any re-analysis can only occur at the system level. What this means is that if we change information for one teacher, we would have to re- run the analysis for the entire district, which has two effects: one, this would be very costly for the district, as the analysis itself would have to be paid for again; and two, this re-analysis has the potential to change all other teachers’ reports.

The remarkable thing about this passage is not simply that cost considerations trump accuracy in teacher evaluations, troubling as that might be. Of greater concern is the house-of-cards fragility of the EVAAS system, where the wrong score of a single teacher could alter the scores of every other teacher in the district. This interconnectivity means that the accuracy of one score hinges upon the accuracy of all. Thus, without access to data supporting all teacher scores, any teacher facing discharge for a low value-added score will necessarily be unable to verify that her own score is error-free.

HISD’s own discovery responses and witnesses concede that an HISD teacher is unable to verify or replicate his EVAAS score based on the limited information provided by HISD.

According to the unrebutted testimony of plaintiffs’ expert, without access to SAS’s proprietary information – the value-added equations, computer source codes, decision rules, and assumptions – EVAAS scores will remain a mysterious “black box,” impervious to challenge.

While conceding that a teacher’s EVAAS score cannot be independently verified, HISD argues that the Constitution does not require the ability to replicate EVAAS scores “down to the last decimal point.” But EVAAS scores are calculated to the second decimal place, so an error as small as one hundredth of a point could spell the difference between a positive or negative EVAAS effectiveness rating, with serious consequences for the affected teacher.

Hence, “When a public agency adopts a policy of making high stakes employment decisions based on secret algorithms incompatible with minimum due process, the proper remedy is to overturn the policy.”

Today, teachers in Houston won a major court victory against the discredited teacher evaluation method called VAM, or “value-added measurement.” The court battle was led by the AFT and the Houston Federation of Teachers.

VAM was originally developed by an agricultural statistician, William Sanders, who believed that the rise or fall of student test scores can be attributed to the students’ teachers. This theory was incorporated into the Race to the Top program, which led many states to adopt it, despite the fact that it had never been proven to Wotan in a real-world situation. Seventy percent of teachers do not teach tested subjects, which led to bizarre strategies of evaluating teachers by scores of students they never taught in subjects they never taught.

Here is the press release from the AFT about the decision:

May 4, 2017

AFT, Houston Federation of Teachers Hail Court Ruling
on Flawed Evaluation System

Statements by American Federation of Teachers President Randi Weingarten and Houston Federation of Teachers President Zeph Capo on U.S. District Court decision on Houston’s Evaluation Value-Added Assessment System (EVAAS), known elsewhere as VAM or value-added measures:

AFT President Randi Weingarten: “Houston developed an incomprehensible, unfair and secret algorithm to evaluate teachers that had no rational meaning. This is the algebraic formula: 𝑦𝑖𝑗𝑘𝑙= 𝜇𝑗𝑘𝑙+ (Σ𝑘∗≤𝑘Σ𝑤𝑖𝑗𝑘∗𝑙∗𝑡 × 𝜏𝑖𝑗𝑘∗𝑙∗𝑡𝑇𝑖𝑗𝑘∗𝑙∗𝑡=1)+ 𝜖𝑖𝑗𝑘𝑙

“U.S. Magistrate Judge Stephen Smith saw that it was seriously flawed and posed a threat to teachers’ employment rights; he rejected it. This is a huge victory for Houston teachers, their students and educators’ deeply held contention that VAM is a sham.

“The judge said teachers had no way to ensure that EVAAS was correctly calculating their performance score, nor was there a way to promptly correct a mistake. Judge Smith added that the proper remedy is to overturn the policy; we wholeheartedly agree. Teaching must be about helping kids develop the skills and knowledge they need to be prepared for college, career and life—not be about focusing on test scores for punitive purposes.”

HFT President Zeph Capo: “With this decision, Houston should wipe clean the record of every teacher who was negatively evaluated. From here on, teacher evaluation systems should be developed with educators to ensure that they are fair, transparent and help inform instruction, not be used as a punitive tool.”

###

We have heard from corporate reformers that Denver is the best city in the country when it comes to school choice (although DeVos says we shouldn’t be so quick to praise Denver because it doesn’t yet have vouchers). Teachers should be flocking to Colorado, especially Denver.

Yet the Denver Post reports that the state of Colorado has a teacher shortage that is becoming a crisis. Teacher salaries have actually declined in Colorado by 7.7% over the past decade. In 2010, the legislature passes a teacher evaluation law that bases 50% of teachers’ rating on standardized test scores of their students; the law remains on the books even though it has had zero effect, and the underlying theory has been widely discredited. (The author of the bill, former State Senator Mike Johnston, plans to run for governor.)

Rural districts, where salaries are lowest, are hit hardest by the shortage.

The state’s teacher shortage, which mirrors a national trend, grows larger each year. As many as 3,000 new teachers are needed to fill existing slots in Colorado classrooms while the number of graduates from teacher-preparation programs in the state has declined by 24.4 percent over the past five years.

Meanwhile, enrollment in the state’s teacher preparation programs in 2015-16 remained flat from the previous academic year with 9,896 students. On top of that, at least a third of the teachers in Colorado are 55 or older, and closing in on retirement.

Plenty of factors — low salaries, a culture obsessed with student testing, the social isolation that comes with teaching in small towns — send students scrambling from teaching careers, say experts.

There is also a pall that hangs over teaching that hasn’t existed in the past, said Mike Merrifield, a 30-year teaching veteran and now a state senator.

“Teachers are constantly being bashed,” Merrifield said. “It’s not the same job it used to be….”

Urban school districts are slightly more immune to the downward trend than rural districts. The highest average salary for K-12 teachers in Colorado is $63,000 in Boulder Valley. At Colorado’s rural schools, the average teacher salary is about $22,700 — $14,000 less than the state average for teachers.

Metro areas can offer teachers higher salaries, greater housing options and more opportunities to teach specialized classes. But the secluded nature of rural schools may be the biggest drawback for many new teachers.

Nancy E. Bailey, who teaches in Tennessee, posted a blog about the legislature’s habit of using poor Memphis as its experimental district, where disruption is the rule and failure is persistent. Jim Gifford, a high school English teacher in Murfreesboro wrote the post on Nancy’s blog.

Tennessee Legislators Cry, “Thank God for Memphis!”

Tennessee had the bad fortune to win a bundle of Race to the Top cash, so some district had to be the donkey where everyone pinned the tail. It was Memphis. Every bad reformer idea lands on the students, teachers, and schools of Memphis (Shelby County).

Bill Gates dumped a barrel of money into Memphis to try out his pet ideas about teacher evaluation. Oops!

Then came the so-called Achievement School District. A total disaster!

Now legislators have decided to experiment with vouchers. Where? Memphis, of course.

The people who live in Memphis don’t like the idea of vouchers. But nobody cares what they think.

Arthur Goldstein has been teaching for more than 30 years in the New York City public schools.

He has a terrific blog about teaching in New York City.

Here, he describes how he will be rated as a teacher by an insane system.

He begins here:

NY City’s brilliant and infallible Engage system has mandated that I be rated on a test the overwhelming majority of my students will not be taking. As far as I can determine, this is a side effect of the rather awful regulation called CR Part 154. You see, I’m an ESL teacher, but teaching ESL isn’t real teaching. That’s because under Part 154 anything not regarded as “core content” is utterly without value. After all, if it can’t be measured with a standardized test, what proof is there that it even exists?

And yet, in fact, there is a standardized test to measure ESL progress. Sure it’s a stinking piece of garbage, but it exists. This test is called the NYSESLAT. It used to test language acquisition, albeit poorly, but it’s been redesigned to measure just how Common Corey our students are. For the last few years I’ve lost weeks of instruction so I could sit in the auditorium and ask newcomers endless questions about Hammurabi’s Code. I’m not sure what effect this had on non-English speaking students, but I know more about Hammurabi’s code than I ever have.

You may have read me lamenting the fact that I’d be measured on such a poor test once or twice. Last year, in fact, I must have done OK with it since I got an effective rating. I have no idea how exactly I did this. I don’t teach to that test nor do I go out of my way to learn what’s on it. With the oral part is so outlandish and invalid it doesn’t seem worth my while to study the written part. So why the hell aren’t I rated on this test?

It’s complicated, and I can only guess. But Part 154 largely couples ESL with another subject area. In my school, that area is English. It’s kind of a natural pairing, until you realize the high likelihood of ELL newcomers sitting around trying to read To Kill a Mockingbird when they can’t yet tell you what their names are. After all, when English teachers take the magical 12 credits that render them dual-licensed, how can we be sure part of that training entails instruction to NOT give ELLs materials they CANNOT READ? Maybe the focus is on making stuff more Common Corey. Who knows?

Van Schoales is part of the corporate reformer group that has controlled public education in Colorado for most of the past decade. When I visited Denver in 2010 to talk about my recently published book “The Death and Life of the Great American School System: How Testing and Choice Are Undermining Education,” Van was running Education Reform Now on behalf of Democrats for Education Reform, the hedge-fund managers organization that lobbies for charters and high-stakes testing. I recall what a very nice guy he was and how generous he was in introducing me, even though we disagreed.

At the very time I arrived in Denver, the state legislature was nearing a vote on a teacher and principal evaluation plan devised by a young state senator named Michael Johnston, whose background was in Teach for America and New Leaders for New Schools. Several members of the legislature, who were former teachers, showed up for my lecture in Boulder and spoke to me afterwards about their concerns about this fast-moving bill. Johnston’s legislation, known as Senate Bill 10-191, promised to evaluate teachers and principals based on the test scores of their students. Fifty percent of their evaluation would be tied to test scores. I was scheduled to debate Johnston on the day of the vote, but he did not enter the room until the minute I finished speaking, so he never heard my side of the debate. Johnston, however, was flushed with excitement about his legislation. He said that if every educator was evaluated by test scores, then Colorado would have “great schools, great principals, and great teachers.” I tried my best to dissuade him and the audience of their obsession with the value of standardized testing, but it was too late. The legislature passed 10-191, and Johnston was considered a rising star.

Except, as Van Schoales now admits in this article in Education Week, the corporate reformers were wrong. SB 10-191 did not work out as planned, even though the framers relied on the very best Ivy League prognosticators.

He writes:

Back in May 2010, hundreds of the nation’s education foundation, policy, and practice elites were gathered for the NewSchools Venture Fund meeting in Washington to celebrate and learn from the most recent education reform policy victories in my home state of Colorado and across the country.

The opening speeches highlighted the recent passage of Colorado Senate Bill 10-191—a dramatic law which required that 50 percent of a teacher evaluation be based upon student academic growth. This offered a bold new vision for how teachers would be evaluated and whether they would gain or lose tenure based on the merits of their impact on student achievement.
Colorado would be one of several “ground zeros” for reforming teacher evaluation in the country. Many, including myself, thought these new state policies would allow our best teachers to shine. They would finally have useful feedback, be differentiated on an objective scale of effectiveness, and lose tenure if they weren’t performing. Teachers would be treated like other professionals and less like interchangeable widgets.

Colorado’s law and similar ones in other states appeared to be sound, research-backed policy formulated by education reform’s own “whiz kids.” We could point to Ivy League research that made a clear case for dramatic changes to the current system. There were large federal incentives, in addition to private philanthropy fueled by the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, encouraging such changes. And to pass these teacher-evaluation laws, we built a coalition of reform-minded Democrats and Republicans that also included the American Federation of Teachers. Reformers were confident we had a clear mandate.

And yet. Implementation did not live up to the promises.

Ah, implementation! The Soviet experiment might have worked had it been implemented the right way. When allegedly great ideas don’t work out in reality, then something is wrong with the idea. For one thing, it never had the support of educators, who were expected to make Michael Johnston’s big idea work. It didn’t work.

What went wrong? Almost everything.

Most teachers don’t teach tested subjects. The majority of teachers teach in states’ untested subject areas. This meant processes for measuring student growth outside of literacy or math were often thoughtlessly slapped together to meet the new evaluation law. For example, some elementary school art-teacher evaluations were linked to student performance on multiple-choice district art tests, while Spanish-teacher evaluations were tied to how the school did on the state’s math and literacy tests. Even for those who teach the grades and subjects with state tests, some debate remains on how much growth should be weighted for high-stakes decisions on teacher ratings.

Few educators “embraced” the new evaluation system. They complied, but they never believed.

Teacher evaluators were giving teachers higher scores than they allegedly deserved. This, of course, was a problem with the district and school culture, not the model, which was supposedly flawless.

Last, every one of the state’s charter schools waived themselves out of the teacher evaluation system.

Van Schoales doesn’t mention that test-based accountability has been criticized by leading scholarly organizations, like the American Statistical Association and the American Education Research Association.

Value-added measurement, or VAM, has fallen into disrepute for two reasons. First, it has not produced positive results anywhere. There is a solid body of research that has shown that it doesn’t work and will never work, because students are not randomly assigned, because home influences outweigh teacher influences on student test scores, and because most teachers do not teach the tested subjects.

Colorado had the perfect teacher evaluation plan, in theory, perfect enough to excite the corporate reformers, Arne Duncan, Bill Gates, et al. Except it didn’t work. I salute Van Schoales for admitting that the experiment failed.

Unfortunately it is still the law in Colorado. Educators are still evaluated by flawed and invalid measures. Seven years after passage of SB 10-191, Colorado does not have “great schools, great principals, great teachers.” Actually, it does have great schools, great principals, and great teachers in affluent districts, as it did in 2010. It even has great educators and schools in urban districts, but only if they are not measured by their students’ test scores. Don’t blame the victims of this effort to turn educators into widgets. The best evaluation of professionals is done by human judgment, taking multiple factors into account, not by standardized test scores.

Due to term limits, Michael Johnston is no longer in the State Senate. In January, he announced that he is running for Governor of Colorado. On his wikipedia page, he still boasts about SB 10-191. He owes an apology to the thousands of dedicated educators who were subjected to his invalid teacher evaluation plan, many of whom were unjustly terminated and lost their careers.

Jonathan Pelto reports that Connecticut will no longer use scores on SBAC or SAT to evaluate teachers.

http://jonathanpelto.com/2017/04/06/connecticut-will-no-longer-use-sbac-sat-part-teacher-performance-evaluations/

Since this approach has failed everywhere, this is a great development.

Every state should drop this failed methodology that was promoted by the Gates Foundation and Arne Duncan but has not worked.

I am writing this post for the journalists who cover education. Please fact-check every word that DeVos says. She literally doesn’t know what she is talking about.

This is the New York Times’ report on Betsy DeVos‘ press conference at Brookings.

She claims that the Bush-Obama policies of test-and-punish failed because throwing money at the problem doesn’t work. Any teacher could have told you that NCLB and Race to the Top were failures, not because they threw money at the problems, but because they spent money on failed strategies of high-stakes testing, evaluating teachers by test scores, closing schools, and opening charters.

She is so ill-informed that she would be well advised never to speak in public.

Her comparison of selecting a public school to hailing a taxi is offensive: schooling is a right guaranteed in state constitutions, taking a cab or car service is a consumer choice. She was echoing her mentor Jeb Bush, who compared choosing a school to buying a carton of milk, when he addressed the GOP convention in 2012.

As you will see if you read the account in the story, she has the unmitigated gall to say that her crusade for consumer choice in education–whether charters, vouchers, homeschooling, cyberschooling, whatever–serves the “common good.” What an outrage! Providing a high-quality public school,in every zip code serves the common good. Tossing kids to the vagaries of the free market subverts the common good. Anyone who has been reading this blog for any period of time has learned about the entrepreneurs who open charter schools to make money, about the sham real estate deals, about the voucher schools that teach science from the Bible, about the heightened segregation that always accompanies school choice. Wherever George Wallace and his fellow defenders of racial segregation are, they are rooting for DeVos.

Furthermore, she is utterly ignorant of the large body of research showing that charters do not get better results than public schools, voucher schools get worse results, and cybercharters get abysmal results.

Then she makes a crack about how America’s scores on international couldn’t get worse. She is wrong, and Grover Whitehurst should have told her so. Our scores on the international tests have never been high. Over the past Hal century, we have usually scored in the middle of the pack. Yes, our scores could get much worse. We could follow the Swedish free-market model and see our scores tumble.

Grrr. It is frustrating to see this kind of ignorance expressed by the Secretary of Education, although Arne Duncan should have lowered our expectations.

Please read “Reign of Error” and learn that test scores are the highest ever for whites, blacks, Hispanics, and Asians (although they went flat from 2013-2015, probably in response to the disruptions caused by Common Core); graduation rates are the highest ever; dropout rates are the lowest ever. When our students took the first international test in 1964, we came in last in one grade, and next to last in the other. But in the years since, our economy has surpassed all the other nations with higher scores. The test scores of 15-year-olds do not predict the future of the nation.

The National Coucil for Teacher Quality issued a report calling for higher admission standards for entrants into teaching, specifically, higher SAT and ACT scores. This report was reviewed on behalf of the National Education Policy Center. It is interesting and strange that so many people think that scores on the SAT or ACT have remarkable predictive powers. The cardinal rule of psychometric is that a test should be used only for the purpose for which it was designed. These tests were designed to gauge likely success in college, but multiple studies have concluded that the students’ four-year grade-point-average is more reliable than either the SAT or ACT. Why would anyone think they predict good teachers? NCTQ should turn its attention to making the teaching profession more fulfilling and rewarding. At a time of teacher shortages, raising the bar will exacerbate the shortage.

The NCTQ is Gates-funded and endorses VAM to rate teachers. So they start with a strong bias towards standardized testing.

NEPC says:

BOULDER, CO (March 23, 2017) – A recent report from the National Council on Teacher Quality (NCTQ) advocates for a higher bar for entry into teacher preparation programs. The NCTQ report suggests, based on a review of GPA and SAT/ACT requirements at 221 institutions in 25 states, that boosting entry requirements would significantly improve teacher quality in the U.S. It argues that this higher bar should be set by states, by the Council for the Accreditation of Educator Preparation (CAEP), and by the higher-education institutions themselves.

However, the report’s foundational claims are poorly supported, making its recommendations highly problematic.

The report, Within Our Grasp: Achieving Higher Admissions Standards in Teacher Prep, was reviewed by a group of scholars and practitioners who are members of Project TEER (Teacher Education and Education Reform). The team was led by Marilyn Cochran-Smith, the Cawthorne Professor of Teacher Education for Urban Schools at Boston College, along with Megina Baker, Wen-Chia Chang, M. Beatriz Fernández, & Elizabeth Stringer Keefe. The review is published by the Think Twice Think Tank Review Project at the National Education Policy Center, housed at University of Colorado Boulder’s School of Education.

The reviewers explain that the report does not provide the needed supports for its assertions or recommendations. It makes multiple unsupported and unfounded claims about the impact on teacher diversity of raising admissions requirements for teacher candidates, about public perceptions of teaching and teacher education, and about attracting more academically able teacher candidates.

Each claim is based on one or two cherry-picked citations while ignoring the substantial body of research that either provides conflicting evidence or shows that the issues are much more complex and nuanced than the report suggests. Ultimately, the reviewers conclude, the report offers little guidance for policymakers or institutions.

Find the review by Marilyn Cochran-Smith, Megina Baker, Wen-Chia Chang, M. Beatriz Fernández, & Elizabeth Stringer Keefe at:
http://nepc.colorado.edu/thinktank/review-admissions

Find Within Our Grasp: Achieving Higher Admissions Standards in Teacher Prep, by Kate Walsh, Nithya Joseph, & Autumn Lewis, published by the National Council on Teacher Quality, at:
http://www.nctq.org/dmsView/Admissions_Yearbook_Report