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John Thompson is a historian and teacher in Oklahoma:

Oklahoma School Choice Week: The “Red Pill” Targets a Red State

The OK School Choice Summit featured Sen. Mark Loveless who, in part, promotes charters and vouchers as a means of spreading chaos in public school systems. His donor, Betsy DeVos’ the American Federation for Children, was also well represented. DeVos sees school choice as a path to “greater Kingdom gain.”

School choice: Sen. Loveless advances ‘factually incorrect’ ideology

http://www.politico.com/story/2016/12/betsy-devos-education-trump-religion-232150

There had been about 20 anti-corporate reform protesters at the summit, so even though I had registered for the event, I was apparently supposed to be denied entry. By the time I arrived, the police outnumbered the protesters. As some protesters chatted amiably with the summit volunteers, I schmoozed with some pro-reform political leaders who let me walk in with them.

School Choice Summit features firebrand speaker, draws protests

At the time, I didn’t realize that we who opposed the expansion of charters and vouchers could not be tolerated because we had supposedly swallowed the “blue pill,” and that made us irredeemable.

Ordinarily I get along with conservative Christians by not questioning the religious beliefs of people who support people like DeVos, who see charters and vouchers as a means to “advance God’s Kingdom.” That is one reason why I was completely unprepared for what I’d see when Dr. Steve Perry gave the summit’s keynote address.

Okay, I know I’ve failed to fully grapple with the hate that drives many corporate reform supporters, as well as Trumpism as a whole. I assumed that the summit organizers probably knew how Perry became famous by condemning unions as “cockroaches.” But, surely the audience wasn’t conversant with the research of former Connecticut Deputy House Majority Leader, Jonathan Pelto, and they didn’t know that Perry’s charter school would sentence “even the youngest students in the building, to sit at the cafeteria’s ‘Table of Shame.’”

I’ve long known a lot of the charter supporters in the audience, and I didn’t think they would approve of his desire to:

Drag sorry principals and teachers out into the street. Kick open the doors in our communities and collar lazy parents. Line ‘em all up on Main Street, snatch their pants down and show the entire world the ass that they have given our kids to kiss.

Neither would the audience know that by 2014 that Perry had called Diane Ravitch a racist in at least 49 tweets.

http://jonathanpelto.com/2014/03/11/crazy-sht-capital-prep-steve-perry-said/

I sat down next to an old friend who supports charters and vouchers, and we shook hands. Perry immediately started yelling into the microphone, telling the audience that they should have no contact with people (like me) who oppose charter and voucher expansion. Perry said that opponents of Oklahoma City’s KIPP expansion are racists. He said that people (like me) who have Obama bumper stickers but oppose charter and voucher expansion are as bad as the worst racists in American history. Perry said that that public school supporters “designed” schools to fail, and to maintain Jim Crow and drive the school to prison pipeline.

Perry said virtually nothing about actual schools. At first, I assumed that Perry avoided real education issues because his fictional narrative about founding Capital Preparatory Magnet School had been debunked so thoroughly. After all, Perry’s charter has “fewer students who qualify for Free Lunch, fewer kids with disabilities, and fewer kids who are ELL than neighboring high schools in Hartford.” The charter has high attrition rates and teacher turnover. The reliable Rutgers University scholar, Mark Weber, shows how Perry’s charter had “lower increases in student performance in comparison to comparable schools.”

http://jerseyjazzman.blogspot.com/2013/05/dr-steve-perry-final-debunk.html

But Perry explained that we are in The Matrix. Choice supporters had supposedly taken the “red pill.” Only they live in the “real world;” presumably that justifies any tactic necessary to defeat those of us who are deluded because we took the “blue pill.”

To say the least, the event was frightening. The largely white crowd loudly cheered Perry’s union-bashing and they clearly enjoyed being characterized as civil rights crusaders attacking Obama-lovers whose real goal is defending an education system which was designed to perpetuate Jim Crow.

Afterwards, I implored pro-charter friends in the crowd, asking them to renounce Perry’s hate speech. He had repeatedly said that people like me are as bad as the worst racists in American history. Do you approve of that?

One true believer in charters replied that Perry charged him up in order to better battle for choice. Another acknowledged the hateful side of the diatribe but said that I wasn’t hearing Perry’s thoughtful words. One kept replying that Perry was saying that poor children of color were being damaged by choice opponents, but he wasn’t saying we did that intentionally. He finally acknowledged that Perry was saying that the damage that people like me did to kids is by design, and he was wrong to attack us in this manner. None agreed to publicly distance themselves from Perry.

But that is not what scared me so much. Of course I’ve seen videos of demagogues firing up audiences. As a kid too young to understand, I’d witnessed John Birch Society and George Wallace rallies. But, as an adult, I’d never seen anything as frightening as the way Perry worked the crowd.

I still deny that rank-in-file charter supporters are bad people. No longer can I deny, however, that many of them crave the overall message that Perry delivers. The crowd wouldn’t have been so open to the claim that we who disagree with them are evil if they weren’t hungry for a fight. For reasons that must be bigger than education reform, many of them must be ready for battle, and they crave the message that they are righteous crusaders and their enemies deserve to be destroyed.

Senator Deb Fischer of Nebraska is the deciding vote on the nomination of Betsy DeVos.

Apparently DeVos promised not to force vouchers and charters on Nebraska. But, Senator Fischer is making a decision that will affect every state in the nation, not just Nebraska. State’s like North Carolina, Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Florida, the Rust Belt, the Deep South, the Midwest will see hundreds of millions–nay, billions–of public funds taken away from public schools and transferred to religious schools with no certified teachers and to charter schools that are neither accountable nor transparent, with academic performance no better than public schools and possibly worse.

Senator Fischer’s mother was a public school teacher. Senator Fischer served on her local school board and was president of the Nebraska School Boards Association.

Please reach out to her. Her twitter handle is @senatorfischer.

She needs to know that the future of public education in America hangs in the balance.

Does anyone care? A day late and many dollars short, charter champion Eli Broad came out in opposition to Betsy DeVos.

Why did he wait until after she passed the GOP-controlled Senate committee? She has been under discussion for two months. Why the silence when it might have mattered?

Is he trying to protect charters from competition with vouchers?

Does he want to protect the charter brand from being mingled with the Trump brand?

Whatever his motive, he is not acting to protect public schools.

Would you rather be privatized by charter or voucher? Would you rather be hung or shot?

Henry Levin, the William Heard Kilpatrick Professor of Economics and Education at Teachers College, Columbia University, has studied school choice and privatization around the world. Levin says there is no evidence for the efficacy of these strategies.

http://www.usnews.com/news/best-countries/articles/2017-01-30/little-global-evidence-suggests-school-choice-helps-performance

Levin writes:

“Some have argued that competitive incentives induced by school choice will lead to better educational outcomes. However, there is little evidence to support this claim.

“Sweden has had an educational voucher system since 1992, but its achievement levels on international tests have been falling for two decades. Chile has had such a system since 1980, and there is little evidence of improvement in achievement relative to countries at similar levels of income. Cleveland, Milwaukee, and the District of Columbia have issued vouchers to low-income families, but sophisticated evaluations find no difference between achievement in private voucher schools and public schools with similar student populations. Students from low-income families in Louisiana who have used vouchers to shift from public to private schools have experienced striking reductions in achievement gains relative to similar students in public schools…..

“In England there has been a dramatic shift from schools governed by public councils to academies run by private groups with great autonomy and the ability to select their own students. The results on student achievement show no distinct advantage, and there are similar results for U.S. charter schools based upon careful statistical comparisons.

“Where school choice has shown powerful effects around the world is the systematic separation of students by ethnicity, social class and religion.

“Sweden’s vouchers have increased segregation by social class and immigrant status. Chile’s voucher system has produced one of the most segregated system of schools in the world by family income. In the Netherlands, studies of the school choice system have pointed to school separation of students by ethnicity, immigrant status and family income. A Brookings Institution study found that U.S. charter schools are more segregated racially and socio-economically than public schools in surrounding areas. The Program for International Student Assessment, an important triennial study of international student performance, finds school segregation by social class is associated with school choice.

“Although even public schools have segregation challenges typically caused by residential location, school choice tends to streamline the racial, social class and ethnic isolation of students, as well as separate them by political ideology and religion.”

Bertis Downs is a public school parent in Athens, Georgia. He is also an activist for public education and a member of the board of Network for Oublic Education. He wrote this column about why he and his wife chose their local public schools, published by Valerie Strauss on the Answer Sheet blog.

 

Downs wonders why elected officials don’t acknowledge the obvious fact that most people choose the local community public schools, not private schools, not charter schools, not religious schools.

 

He writes:

 

“There are excellent schools in every neighborhood in America? After all, the vast majority of America’s schoolchildren attend public schools.

 

“Why aren’t “community schools” — which seek to address the many out-of-school factors that effect achievement — a leading reform choice? Could it be that those are public school models that don’t profit anyone other than the communities of students they educate?

 

“Among the many great things about our country’s public schools is their resilience. Most of our public schools do a good job of educating our nation’s children — despite relentless political and media attacks that blame teachers and schools for poor student performance while ignoring out-of-school factors that affect how children do in school.

 

“My own kids have had caring and committed public school teachers, wonderful extracurricular opportunities, great friends, and bright futures as members of their diverse and challenging school communities (in Georgia in our case). Every student should have that choice. What kids everywhere need is love and support at home and at school, wisdom and inspiration from well-trained teachers, and a rich and diverse curriculum that focuses on them as unique children.

 

“In the era of high-stakes standardized tests — with scores unfairly used to make important decisions about the future of kids, teachers, principals, schools and even districts — many kids have effectively become “testing drones.” Students deserve a curriculum rich in the arts and cultural context. They deserve to attend schools centered in and supported by their community, with enough funding for adequate facilities, reasonable class sizes, and knowledgeable and fulfilled teachers.

 

“These things occur in countries that believe in systemic improvement — and they are possible here too, but only if we have the courage and political will to properly fund school districts, create exciting and smart curriculum and address out-of-school factors that affect student academic performance.”

 

 

Senator Lamar Alexander likes to say that vouchers for religious and private schools are akin to a “GI Bill of Rights for Children,” a transfer of public funds to be spent anywhere.

 

But this reader is a beneficiary of the actual GI Bill and he says the analogy is wrong:

 

 

“I felt compelled to write this today after seeing Senator Alexander’s efforts to normalize Betsy Devos’ extreme ideas about public education.

 

“Dear Senator Lamar Alexander. STOP COMPARING SCHOOL VOUCHERS TO THE GI BILL.

 

“You are defending Betsy Devos and her goal to change public education into a system of private vouchers by saying that school vouchers are just like the GI BILL.

 

“The GI bill was a special benefit to support veterans returning to civilian life. I know, because the GI bill made it possible for me to make it through college after the Vietnam war. This one time benefit for soldiers is far different than our public responsibility to provide for the education of the children in our communities. Each state’s constitution defines this public responsibility to provide for and oversee the compulsory education of the children in their state.

 

“Our public responsibility to educate our youth is not the same thing as going to the grocery store to buy groceries. It is not about consumer choice. It’s about responsibility. Each community has the responsibility to create an equitable, safe, quality education for all of the children in their community. This responsibility includes providing an education that will enable students to become proficient in basic skills as well as to develop the habits and citizenship skills necessary to participate in our diverse democracy.

 

“The entire public contributes to the common good for the children of the state, even if they have no children. Along with this responsibility is the expectation that students will receive a quality public education. I am contributing my public tax dollars to public education, not so a family down the street can feel entitled to send their child to private or religious school because the local school is not to their liking. If they are unhappy with their public schools, they can work with their locally elected officials. They can also choose to provide their own private school or home school their child. That’s their job and responsibility. In my community our school board offers both traditional as well as alternative schools and resources for home school families.

 

 

“The choice movement wants to take away this public responsibility and oversight. All they want from the public is their tax dollars. They want private choice, not public choice, and they want you to pay for it.

 

“Senator Alexander and Betsy Devos do not understand this sacred responsibility.”

Carol Burris has been traveling the nation investigating states where choice is flourishing –and public schools are being underfunded to pay for choice.

 

She reports here that the public has little idea of the waste, fraud, and abuse that is embedded in the school choice movement.

 

Many taxpayers don’t know that every dollar that goes to a charter or a voucher is subtracted from the community public schools.

 

She asks the billion-dollar question:

 

The Washington Post published a 2013 story detailing issues at private schools that accepted public funds from the federally funded voucher program approved by Congress for the nation’s capital. It said in part:

 

[A] Washington Post review found that hundreds of students use their voucher dollars to attend schools that are unaccredited or are in unconventional settings, such as a family-run K-12 school operating out of a storefront, a Nation of Islam school based in a converted Deanwood residence, and a school built around the philosophy of a Bulgarian psychotherapist.

 

I suspect that Betsy DeVos and her followers would say that all of the above is the price we must pay to keep charters free of regulations. But if regulations are the problem, and deregulation the solution, why don’t the “choicers” push to deregulate public schools? Shouldn’t their creativity be unleashed as well?

 

Time to wise up.

Betsy DeVos is a graduate of Calvin College, a small Christian college in Michigan. Hundreds of students and alumni signed a letter opposing her nomination for Secretary of Education.

 

It is a thoughtful letter. I hope she reads it. I hope the U.S. Senate reads it. I visited Calvin College and lectured there about 10 years ago. I was very impressed by the kindness and goodness of those I met. Now I remember why.

 

The letter expressed these concerns, which I share:

 

 

1) While many of us were inspired by our time at Calvin College to make education a professional commitment, Mrs. DeVos was not. She has never worked in any educational institution as an administrator, nor as an educator. If the position of the Secretary of Education requires the individual to have an intimate knowledge of the tools used by educators, which we believe it does, Mrs. DeVos does not qualify.
2) Many of us entered Calvin College directly from Christian high schools and spent our entire elementary and secondary school years in these institutions, as did Mrs. DeVos. While we appreciate the opportunity to thrive and learn that is provided by these educational systems, we recognize that the vast majority of K–12 students are educated in the public school system. Because of this, we believe that any individual who is nominated to be Secretary of Education should have a strong commitment to public education, which Mrs. DeVos does not.
3) We believe that Mrs. DeVos’s commitment to education is limited to her advocacy of and financial contributions to religious and charter schools. Having the financial resources to promote one’s ideological point of view and endorse elected officials who share that ideology is not equivalent to the preparation that comes from being an educator or educational administrator.
4) Finally, in the first day of her confirmation hearing, Mrs. DeVos indicated a lack of support for federal policies regarding educational systems that receive public funding. This is especially concerning given that the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act and Title IX, which ensure that all students’ educational experiences are free of discrimination that impedes learning, are not of value to Mrs. DeVos.

 

Our undergraduate education prepared us to be engaged and informed citizens who support public servants who seek to serve effectively and competently. This is precisely why we oppose the nomination of our fellow alumna, Betsy DeVos, for the position of United States Secretary of Education.

 

 

 

 

Marc Tucker has more faith in standardized tests than I do, and more faith in the value of  international comparisons based on standardized tests. But despite our disagreements, he has been a thoughtful commentator on the failure of market reforms.

 

This article explains why “market reforms” don’t work. 

 

This is a listing of the top ten nations known for outstanding scores.

 

While we are on the subject of “free markets” and schooling, it is important to be aware of the dismal results in Sweden after it introduced policies like those advocated by the Trump administration.

 

Here is one description. Swedish education was once the pride of the nation.

 

Sweden, once regarded as a byword for high-quality education – free preschool, formal school at seven, no fee-paying private schools, no selection – has seen its scores in Programme for International Student Assessment (Pisa) assessments plummet in recent years.

 

Fridolin [the Swedish education minister] acknowledges the sense of shame and embarrassment felt in Sweden. “The problem is that this embarrassment is carried by the teachers. But this embarrassment should be carried by us politicians. We were the ones who created the system. It’s a political failure,” he says….

 

Fridolin, who has a degree in teaching, says not only have scores in international tests gone down, inequality in the Swedish system has gone up. “This used to be the great success story of the Swedish system,” he said. “We could offer every child, regardless of their background, a really good education. The parents’ educational background is showing more and more in their grades.

 

“Instead of breaking up social differences and class differences in the education system, we have a system today that’s creating a wider gap between the ones that have and the ones that have not….”

 

Sweden’s decline follows a raft of changes in the late 1980s and early 1990s that transformed the educational landscape. A system that had been largely centralised was devolved to municipalities, teacher training was changed, exams and grades changed, and a voucher system was introduced giving parents the power to choose which school to send their child to. Each child was funded by the state, and if the child chose to go do a different school, the money would follow.

 

Then there is this article from the British New Statesman (which is concerned because its conservative government wants to follow the Swedish path to failure):

 

We have seen the future in Sweden and it works,” Michael Gove told the Daily Mail in 2008. A few months earlier, Gove and other leading Conservatives had visited schools in Sweden for the first time, a journey that they would repeat in the following years.

 

“They’ve done something amazing,” he said in a video made for that year’s Tory party conference. “They challenged the conventional wisdom [and] decided that it was parents, not bureaucrats, who should be in charge.”

 

Sweden’s 800 friskolor make up about a sixth of the country’s state-funded schools. Introduced in 1992, they gave parents the ability to use state spending on education to set up new schools and decide where to send their children. In that decade, friskolor were made easier to set up, with companies given the right to make a profit from running them; other schools were decentralised and a voucher system, allowing parents to choose their children’s school and then awarding funds based on parental demand, was introduced. Tony Blair praised the Swedish model in a 2005 government white paper. For Tories, Sweden’s schools held out a simple message: that competition could transform state education in England.

 

That message was appealing because it came from “a social-democratic country, far to the left of Britain”, as Gove put it. This was true but only up to a point. The reforms that he enacted after 2010 – notably the introduction of free schools, the speeding up of academisation and changes to the curriculum – owed as much to US “charter schools” as to educational reforms in Sweden.

 

Even as Gove cited Sweden’s successes in education, its international standing was in decline. Since 2000, standards there have fallen more than in any other country ranked by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) using tests known as the Programme for International Student Assessment, or Pisa. Results released in 2013 rated Sweden below Denmark, Finland and Norway by all three measures – reading, maths and science – and worse than the UK. In 2014, 14 per cent of students performed too poorly to qualify for secondary school at 16, a deterioration of 10 per cent on the 2006 level.

 

Last year, the OECD published a report in which it warned: “Sweden’s school system is in need of urgent change.” Underinvestment is not the problem. The Swedes spend more on education as a percentage of GDP (6.8 per cent) than the OECD average (5.6 per cent). The report describes an education system in chaos, hopelessly fragmented, failing those who need it most. It criticises its “unclear education priorities”, “lack in coherence” and “unreliable data”.

 

 

Exactly the path that Trump, DeVos. ALEC, the Friedman Foundation, the Center for Education Reform, the ubiquitous libertarian think tanks, and the “corporate reformers” want to follow. But they can’t or shouldn’t plead ignorance. We know–they should know–that privatization and free markets in schooling produce inequity and lower performance.

 

 

 

 

 

 

I was part of a heated debate including Emma Brown of the Washington Post, Randi Weingarten of the AFT, and Matt Frendewey of Betsy DeVos’s American Federation for Children.

 

Emma played it straight. The sparks flew when Matt attacked Randi and me, and both of came at him from different directions.

 

The DeVos line is that she really cares about kids, and no one else does.