In response to the murder of George Floyd, as well as the murders of other African Americans in recent months, the media, historians, teachers, and others are reviewing the long history of vicious racism in this country and calling for structural changes. The challenge of our time is to look deeply into our institutions and not let this moment of reckoning with our racist attitudes and institutions fade away without meaningful change. No American should have to fear for their life and safety because of the color of their skin.
Paul Horton, acted her and historian at the University of Chicago Lab School (a unionized private school), shared this essay about her history:
Just a teacher-historian sharing history who spent hundreds of hours as a graduate student researching the KKK Reports, the set of published congressional investigations into the KKK and affiliated organizations during Reconstruction.
Yesterday, Bryan Stevenson’s Equal Justice Initiative published a report that estimates that over 2,000 blacks were murdered during Reconstruction for political activities associated with organizing for the party of Lincoln in the American South from 1865-1877. The Democratic Party in the South at this time and later referred to itself as “the party of the white man,” and the KKK was its paramilitary arm during and after Reconstruction, extending into the Civil Rights era.
NAACP founder and chief researcher, W.E.B. Dubois, published a similar estimate of murders of black people in the South during the Jim Crow era. Historians Elizabeth Hale and Phillip Dray and many others have documented Southern ritualized violence within the context of “constructing whiteness” as a unifying identity that was intended create what historian George Frederickson called a”herrenfolk democracy” that united poor, middle class, and wealthy Southern whites behind common white identity. It is important to draw the connection between the construction of Confederate monuments within the context of this racial violence. These monuments were constructed in the early twentieth century as black bodies were being lynched and mutilated in spectacles that often were witnessed by hundreds, and in some cases thousands, of whites of all social classes.
What we are witnessing today has to be seen within this context. During Reconstruction and the Jim Crow era, tens of thousands of black Americans were sent to convict labor camps, most often on trumped up minor offences like loitering or not possessing a work contract. The intent of state officials in building these labor camps was to remove freedman from Southern cities. Those successful blacks who would not leave were subjected to “white riots” that destroyed black middle-class areas of New Orleans and Memphis in 1866; Colfax, Louisiana in response to the legitimate election of a Radical Republican county slate (1873), Wilmington, North Carolina, a white supremacist coup (1898); and Elaine, Arkansas where dozens who farmers were murdered for attempting to form a union (1919). Black areas were torched in East St. Louis (1917) Chicago (1919), Omaha (1919), Washington D.C. (1919). and Tulsa, Oklahoma (1921) in the wake of WWI when black soldiers returning home from a “war to make the world safe for democracy” began to assert their labor and civil rights. The entire town of Rosewood, Florida was torched during the first week of 1923 for similar reasons. The context surrounding the Rosewood massacre was the subject of a feature film directed by John Singleton in 1997. Most of the eyewitnesses to the massacre were murdered, but historians estimate the number killed to range from 27-200.
Massacres of hundreds of blacks also took place during the Civil War when black union soldiers and their officers were routinely murdered after surrendering because the Confederate government had a policy of “no quarter” for the USCT. This is why the phrase “no quarter” used by senator Tom Cotton of Arkansas in a recent NYT OpEd is so offensive to many. One hundred and eighty-two USCT (black) soldiers of the 1st Kansas Union regiment were killed, most after they had surrendered at Poison Spring, Arkansas in 1864. To this day, many in Arkansas refer to the ‘battle of Poison Spring” without mentioning the massacre that took place after black troops laid down their arms. The massacre at Fort Pillow, Tennessee was the bloodiest massacre of surrendered African American soldiers and their officers during the war. The total number of black soldiers killed after they surrendered most historians now believe ranges from two hundred to four hundred. (To learn more about Fort Pillow, see Paul Horton, “A Model for Teaching Secondary History: The Case of Fort Pillow,” The History Teacher, 2000)
Most of us know about the violence of slavery, but few of us outside of the Black community fully understand the level of violence that black people have experienced after “freedom.” Police and vigilante murders of unarmed black men have a long, sordid history in the United States after the Civil War. The Civil Rights Movement did not make this go away. Police departments all over the country must be trained in this long history, use of deadly force must be severely restricted, our public and private prisons, which resemble Reconstruction work camps that are used to profit investors, must be tightly regulated and house only violent offenders.
Rather than simply dismissing calls for “abolition” and “defunding the police,” in light of our renewed attention to the systematic violence committed against black people in this country, we need to enter into a serious dialogue that creates lasting reforms that go beyond getting rid of symbols and statues. These reforms must result in substantial legal changes at all levels of government and a citizen sponsored reconstitution of policing at every level.
If you would like to learn more about the KKK and Reconstruction violence against educators and those, black and white, who stood for racial and civil justice, you can study the documented evidence for yourselves. The following linked article will describe how you can get to the KKK Reports digitally: https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/answer-sheet/wp/2017/03/06/teacher-heres-the-history-lesson-betsy-devos-needed-on-black-colleges-and-the-ku-klux-klan/
Historian Henry Louis Gates, Jr. also had a very informative four part series on reconstruction that appeared on PBS. It details the backlash and lynchings after The Civil War. Many powerful white people were determined to ensure that black people were denied equal access.
We are still fighting this same battle under BLM. I am thrilled that young white people are joining oppressed young black and Latino people in the struggle. If so many young folks are united to bring about change, this movement may actually be able to bring about systemic changes that are long overdue.https://www.pbs.org/weta/reconstruction/
Gates is good, but Eric Foner is the best on Reconstruction violence. When I went on a march a couple of weeks ago, Blacks in the segregated neighborhood(Chicago) we were marching in were shocked by the presence of so many whites in their neighborhood. They were heartened by what they saw, a multi-racial, multi-class movement. There is a growing historical literature on violence committed by the Texas Rangers against Tejanos and “Mexicans” in South Texas in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
Gates’ book, “Stony the Road,” uses Foner as a source numerous times. I just finished Gates’ book yesterday and intend to find Foner’s book ASAP.
For the horrific convict leasing system in particular, Douglas Blackmon’s “Slavery by Another Name” is horrifying and excellent. It also was a PBS documentary.
The book Slavery by Another Name by Blackmon really opened my eyes to the forced labor post Civil War. I admit I was ignorant of this practice before reading it.
We need to have aN honest reckoning of our horrible treatment of people of color. My Catholic Polish grandparents In Chicago suffered prejudice, but nothing compared to the centuries of abuse of African Americans. I have the old deed to the house In South Chicago I grew up in that has the caveat that it can only be sold to Caucasians.
Are we at a time of change? I hope so.
Looks like we were writing at the same time. Great minds! Should be required reading for anyone who complains about Black Lives Matter and “reverse” discrimination.
This is a very good book and there are many others about the “convict-lease” system.
At one point it was the Irish or the Italians that were “the problem group.” DeSantis in Florida just blamed Latino farm workers for the spread of Covid 19 in the state. He didn’t mention all the young white people that are flocking to beaches and bars. It seems majority is always looking for a convenient scapegoat.
I agree that we have cycled through scapegoat groups. My grandparents emigrated just before Poles were no longer allowed because Eastern Europeans were not considered white. That has changed but concept of white is the best has not.
It has never changed for People of color They have been abused and denigrated for centuries.
I know you mean well, RT, so please take this in the spirit intended. I am not scolding, just suggesting. One of the things we must stop doing when discussing slavery, Jim Crow, and systemic racism is add the “it happened to the Irish, Italians, Chinese, Catholics, etc.” argument. Yes, this nation has a history of discrimination, but none compare to the relentless, unique history of Black Americans.
I agree with you 100%. The attempt to diminish black citizens has been relentless and systemic. We are long overdue for change.
The ancestors of most black citizens have been in this country a lot longer than those of Donald Trump. That’s a fact!
Oh! That’s what I get for not scrolling down far enough. I agree with Alice in PA.
I highly recommend Douglas Blackmon’s Slavery By Another Name, perhaps the most significant American history written this century. It will make you wonder, to paraphrase the Black woman who John Oliver featured at the end of his show a few weeks ago, why Blacks are marching for equality instead of revenge.
Kenneth Stampp has a good book The Era of Reconstruction. He has another The Peculiar Institution. Worse Than Slavery: Parchman Farm and the Ordeal of Jim Crow Justice by David M. Oshinsky is also good to read along with August Wilson’s The Piano Lesson. I also think of Upton Sinclair’s The Jungle amd Grapes of Wrath. Our history has been a continual one of exploiting ethnic groups or races from Native Americans (Cherokee for assimilating too well) to European immigrants to Okies from Oklahoma to migrants from Mexico. What needs changing is our whole economic system with only 2 parties.
Unfortunately, the resources mentioned in the last paragraph are behind a pay wall, specifically a subscription to the Washington Post.
There are other sources. Here are a few. A pdf is on line titled. Extralegal Violence: The Ku Klux Klan in the Reconstruction Era by Sarah Sullivan. “In this (illustrated) essay, the author evaluates testimonial evidence from the 13 volumes of the Report of the Joint Select committee to inquire into the “Condition of Affairs in the Late Insurrrectionary States,” published by the U.S. Congress in 1872, citing specific cases of atrocities committed by the Ku Klux Klan in the years following the civil war. These reports reveal that the level of extralegal violence inflicted on African Americans in the Reconstruction era has been severely underestimated. The pdf is mind-wrenching.
Here is another source: the Smithsonian, National Museum of African American History and Culture. It is teacher friendly, especially for teens and children, with digital images, and many curated references to other free resources available on line. The resources can be accessed through key word searches (e.g., Ku Klux Klan). https://nmaahc.si.edu/learn/talking-about-race/topics/historical-foundations-race
I also recommend resources from this museum. an initiative of The Equal Justice Initiative (EJI), cited in the post. It is important to know about even if you are not living in or near Montgomery Alabama. https://museumandmemorial.eji.org/memorial
The tapestry of violence against African-looking people I America during the post-civil war period should be seen in all of its complexity. One chapter of the history that is mostly ignored is the rise of urban-dwelling, fairly successful, African-Americans. Another is the westward migration of African-American population. A third is the generally violent nature of society during the period from 1865 to 1940. These three trends led to massive violent outpourings of frequent violence, and constant threat and fear on a personal level as well.
At the Orr-O’Keefe museum in Biloxi, MS, there is a nice exhibit about the growth of the African part of the city. It chronicles how the sons and daughters of slaves made a rising middle class community there. You can still see the Catholic church they built there. You can study why they led wade-ins to de-segregate the beaches. Robert Wiebe believed that the rise of small-town America was the central theme of this era. If so, the central theme of southern history was the relationship between the southern Progressives and their new African-American neighbors.
Oklahoma was about a third African-American when it became a state. No surprise that Tulsa erupted in violence. This is the same state where the Osage Murders became the first real investigation for the FBI.
Meanwhile, my own county witnessed a lynching of a man who had killed his wife for ratting him out for horse-thieving in 1892. They rode into town and hung the man on a tree outside the court house, the man reportedly telling his executioners they were hanging an innocent man. Forty years later, a mob burned the courthouse because they could not lynch a Black man who was accused of rape.
We underestimate the rage of a society undergoing massive change. Fear of that change leads people in the direction of all the fear appeals that work to control crowds. Lynch mobs, generally filled with angry people, will do things none of the members of the mob would do alone or even in small groups, were everywhere there was poverty. Poverty was the way of life in much of the country.
None of this excuses hostility. It does explain it. What it does not explain is how the very wealthy industrial part of America lost its sense of right and wrong, allowing the lynching to continue throughout the period. Could Andrew Carnegie have done something? How about the typical cotton factor buying and selling cotton to an England hungry for fiber? And what can we do about injustices that rack our own society?