The best book about education this year was written by a woman who is a poet, a playwright, a novelist, and soon to be the writer of a Marvel comic about “a black girl genius from Chicago.” Ewing has a doctorate in sociology from Harvard and is now on the faculty of the University of Chicago. In case you don’t know all this, I am referring to Eve L. Ewing and her new book about school closings in Chicago. The title is Ghosts in the Schoolyard: Racism and School Closings on Chicago’s South Side.
Eve Ewing was a teacher in one of the 50 public schools that Rahm Emanuel closed in a single day. Her book will help to memorialize Rahm Emanuel’s stigma as the only person in American history to close 50 public schools in one day.
Because she is a poet, the book is written beautifully. She has managed to overcome the burden of academic language, which can so often sound technical, bureaucratic, and dehumanizing. Her language goes to the heart of the experience of suffering at the hands of bureaucrats and technocrats.
She examines the school closings from the perspective of those who were its victims: students, families, communities.
The question at the heart of the book is this: Why do students and families fight to keep their schools open after the authorities declare they are “failing schools.”
She answers the question by listening to and recording the moving testimony of those who fought for the survival of their schools.
Ewing sketches the history of the Bronzeville community in Chicago, racially segregated by government action. What resulted was a community that was hemmed in but nonetheless developed strong traditions, ties, and communal bonds. One of those bonds was the one between families and schools.
She describes some of the schools that were closed, schools with long histories in the black community. Parents and students came out to testify in opposition to the closings. They spoke about why they loved their school, how their family members had proudly attended the school, only to be confronted by school officials who waved “data” and “facts” in their faces to justify closing their beloved school.
Ewing deftly contrasts the official pronouncements of Barbara Byrd-Bennett (now in prison for accepting kickbacks from vendors), who insisted that it was not “racist” to close the schools of Bronzeville with the emotional responses of the students and families, who saw racism in the decision.
Ewing writes powerfully about a concept she calls “institutional mourning.” Families experienced this mourning process as the city leaders killed the institutions that were part of their lives and their history. The school closings were “part of a broader pattern of disrespect for people of color in Chicago,” they were part of “a formula of destruction” intended to obliterate memory, history, and tradition. The act of closing schools was integral to gentrification. And indeed, Chicago has seen a mass exodus of a significant part of its black population, which may have been (likely was) the purpose of the school closings and the removal of black neighborhoods.
Institutional mourning, she writes, “is the social and emotional experience undergone by individuals and communities facing the loss of a shared institution they are affiliated with—-such as a school, church, residence, neighborhood, or business district–especially when those individuals or communities occupy a socially marginalized status that amplifies their reliance on the institution or its significance in their lives.
Ewing asks:
“What do school closures, and their disproportionate clustering in communities like Bronzeville, tell us about a fundamental devaluation of African American children, their families, and black life in general? Is there room for democracy and real grassroots participation in a school system that has been run like an oligarchy?”
Byrd-Bennett spoke about a “utilization crisis” that required the closure of schools in Bronzeville and the dispersion of their students. Ewing offers a counterpoint, seeing the schools in the black community “as a bastion of community pride” and a long-running war over “the future of a city and who gets to claim it. There is the need to consider that losing the school represents another assault in a long line of racist attacks against a people, part of a history of levying harmful policies against them, blaming them for the aftermath, then having the audacity to pretend none of it really happened. There is the way some of these policy decisions are camouflaged by pseudoscientific analysis that is both ethically and statistically questionable. There is our intensely segregated society to account for, in which those who attend the school experience a fundamentally different reality than those who have the power to steer its future. And finally, there is the intense emotional aftermath that follows school closure, which can have a profound, lasting effect on those who experience the closure even as it is rarely acknowledged with any seriousness by those who made the decision.”
One bright spot in her book is the story of the successful resistance to the closing of the Walter H. Dyett high school in Bronzeville. She explains who Walter H. Dyett was, why the school was important, and why the community fought to keep the school named for him open. Dyett was a musician and a beloved high school music teacher; he taught in Bronzeville for 38 years. The school bearing his name may be the only one ever named for a teacher. A dozen community members, led by Jitu Brown of the Journey for Justice Alliance, conducted a hunger strike that lasted for 32 days. Only by risking their lives were they able to persuade the Chicago Mayor and his hand-picked Board to invest in the school instead of closing it.
Why do parents fight to save their schools, a fight they usually lose? She writes, “They fight because losing them [their schools] can mean losing their very world.”
I have underlined and starred entire paragraphs. Certainly, the testimony of students at public hearings, which was very moving. Also Ewing’s commentary, which is insightful.
At the hearing concerning the proposed (and certain) closing of the Mayo elementary school, students talked about the shame they felt.
One student, a third grader, testified:
My whole class started breaking out crying, so did my teacher. We walked through the halls in shame because we didn’t want Mayo to close. When I’m in fourth grade, I was really thinking about going to the fiftieth year anniversary, but how can I when Mayo is closing?
The shame was on Rahm Emanuel and Barbara Byrd-Bennett, but the students somehow felt culpable for what was done to them.
Another student from Mayo said:
Every day I go to school, we sing the Mayo song, and we are proud to hear the song. We are proud to sing the song every…every day. All I want to know is, why close Mayo? This is one of the best schools we ever had.
The book reads like a novel.
Let me add that I have waited for this book for a long time, not knowing if it would ever be written. History told from the point of view of those who were acted on, rather than the point of view of those at the top of the pyramid. Whose story will be told and who will tell it? Eve Ewing has told it.
I found it difficult to put down.
What I found unbearable was the fact that children, after the closing of their local school, would have to walk through areas controlled by gangs…killings, murders, and the horrors that they should never have been exposed to. I’m sure some of these poor children got killed trying to get to school
This doesn’t matter to people sitting in air-conditioned offices.
I was a substitute teacher for Chicago Sub Center South. Those who have power too often misuse it. The US has a history of abuse…slavery, the Native Americans, Native Hawaiians, Central and South America. I’m not a history buff but I’m sure there are many examples.
I learned about a different America when I was in the fifth grade. Are things ever going to change? We are all worthy of respect.
Ewing writes about the fear that parents expressed, the fear that their children were being assigned to schools far away that would expose them to danger.
A while back, some parents posted a phone recorded video, in real time, for a long walk and long distance, danger looming, of a group of parents walking their children from home to their new school. Their neighborhood school was closed.
I don’t know how to locate that video now.
Hard to believe that our wealthy nation, wealthy Chicago, always paying billions to BILLIONAIRES to exploit our children, highest number of BILLIONAIRES & high poverty rates…by design.
Heartbreaking!
Powerful video!
EXACTLY. The kids just going to and from those charter schools ARE/WERE AT RISK. The deformers don’t care.
there is a private world that kids who grow up inside poor inner-city worlds know which the privileged cannot see: where the gang/crew lines ARE.
I recall an anecdote that the writer Thomas Wolfe (not Tom) visited a friend who had a large personal library whereupon he dropped to his knees and started crying because he realized he would never live long enough to read all the books he wanted. I’m not crying, but I know by putting this book on my reading list, it will eventually push another off my list. Thanks a lot!
Why do students and families HAVE TO fight to keep their schools open after the authorities (cockroaches, rats and other vermin like Rahm Emanuel) declare they are “failing schools.”
There
Fixed.
This is all the evidence one could possible need
A dozen community members, led by Jitu Brown of the Journey for Justice Alliance, conducted a hunger strike that lasted for 32 days. Only by risking their lives were they able to persuade the Chicago Mayor and his hand-picked Board to invest in the school instead of closing it.
What kind of racist monster would allow a hunger strike to go on for so long before he even acknowledged the people?
One like Emanuel.
Sorry
What kind of racist monster…?
Fixed.
A common refrain here is that school reformers take over school boards, who then make decisions counter to what the population served by the school needs or desires. I accept this characterization, for I have seen it work during the consolidation craze in rural areas.
I have a solution for such problems. Schools should be run by an extremely local school board. For years, our county school system administered the school population of about 5500 students. In 1895 the county had about the same amount as it had in 1980. Now that we are bigger, I am not sure how much bigger, we have the same governance. Nashville, which educates thousands more students, has the same single school board. The size is the problem. Whereas local might mean one thing to a geographical area, it means something altogether different to a population. What we need is real local governance. A school board should cover an extremely local area, which would prevent some arbitrary outside influence from co-opting it’s governmental function.
Obviously, this means that mayoral takeover of small school boards that are part of larger cities would be impossible. There are other implications of this that might appear problematic, but I think it needs to be the practice. This will give local citizens the feeling that the most personal of their interactions with government, the education of their youth, is within their control.
One of the larger problems associated with this model of governance is the uneven distribution of wealth in society. We already see wealthy, suburban school districts willing to fund their own system, but unwilling to elect representatives to state and federal office who will ask them to pay for the equal education of others. That is already a problem, but it would be a greater problem if school districts were smaller.
My ideas are probably full of holes, but that is what happens when you dig for answers to societal problems.
There are radical differences in districts sizes and the number of schools an elected school board may govern. In Florida, districts are defined by county lines. Some of the counties are rural. Others, like Dade County (greater Miami), are huge. I do not know how these boundaries can be changed because most are also governance boundaries for local taxes, including schools.
Laura: you are quite correct. The issue is much more complex, however, for poor school districts correspond to a greater dispersal of stable, education-oriented students. These students graduate, go to higher education, and generally migrate to better markets for their skills. Instead of paying their old school for the good they got from it, they pay taxes wherever they are, making the new parts of the country more able to address the education of its youth. The old home place is left to twist in the wind.
Thus I support national money going to school districts that are short on taxpayers. Pay it backward, as it were.
I originally wrote this with Andrew Cuomo in mind, but it also applies to Rahmbo
“The Mywayman” (after “The
Highwayman”, by Alfred Noyes)
PART ONE
THE Rahm was a torrent of darkness
among the blackest holes
The school was a ghostly galleon tossed
upon rocky shoals
To Do was a List of closures
Of schools on Windy shores
And the Mywayman came riding—
Riding—riding—
The Mywayman came riding, up to the
school-house door.
He’d a half-cocked plan in his forehead,
Chicago Trib for his spin,
A coat of the cleanest whitewash, and
breaches of law within;
Though served with a Jitu wrinkle
(the strikers were hard to deny!)
He rode with a jeweled twinkle,
His bomabots a-twinkle,
His school shutdowns a twinkle, under Chicago sky.
Over the cobbles he clattered and
clashed in the dark school-yard,
And he tapped with his List on the
shutters, but all was locked and barred;
He whistled a tune to the window, and
who should be Rahmbos tool?
But the Rahm Lord’s SUPES Super
Bennett, the Mayor’s Closer
Planting a bright red “Closure
outside the local school
And dark in the dark old school-yard a
rusty swing-set creaked
Where Jitu for Justice listened; his
curiosity piqued;
His eyes were filled with sadness, his
worry was plain as day,
For he loved the public schoolhouse,
The neighborhood public schoolhouse
Alert as can be he listened, and he
heard the Mayor say—
“Hear this, my well-paid Closer, I’m after
a prize to-night
And I shall make Bronzeville parents fold
before the morning light;
Yet, if they press me sharply, and harry
me through the day,
Then look for me by moonlight,
Watch for me by moonlight,
I’ll come to thee by moonlight, though
parents should bar the way.”
He rose upright in the stirrups; he scarce
could hide his rage ,
He tried to mask what the case meant
but face read like a page
As the franks and beans from the dinner
were mingling with his bile
He cursed its taste in the moonlight,
(Oh, putrid taste in the moonlight!)
Then he tugged at his reign in the
moonlight, and galloped away with his guile
Stay tuned for part 2
Great job SDP. I was thinking of The Hangman, the old English ballad where the prisoner is about to be executed and begs for the hangman to wait for one and then the other possible savior to show.