Archives for the month of: September, 2013

The Associated Press reports that Indiana’s former superintendent Tony Bennett may have violated state law by using state offices and staff for political activities.

“INDIANAPOLIS — Former Indiana schools chief Tony Bennett kept multiple campaign databases on Department of Education servers and ordered his staff to dissect a speech by his Democratic opponent for inaccuracies last fall in apparent violations of Indiana election and ethics laws, documents obtained by The Associated Press show.

“Bennett on Wednesday denied instructing his staff to do campaign work and told The Associated Press one of the lists was used to make “thank you calls” on his own time after the election.”

Is this why he was so fast to resign as state commissioner in Florida? It is very puzzling.

John Merrow of PBS helped to make Michelle Rhee the national face of the privatization movement (often mistakenly called the “reform” movement). Merrow featured her on national television a dozen times, often adoringly. Like many others, he was impressed by her tough talk.

But he came to realize that nothing she promised was happening. And he looked closer and found that the DC cheating scandal had been pushed under the rug. He probed more and ran into a stonewall. He has written powerful pieces on his blog, but when he tried to find a national publication to print what he wrote, no one was interested.

He reveals that Rhee has engaged Anita Dunn as her public relations advisor. Dunn was White House director of communications in 2009 and now appears on NBC and MSNBC (the “Education Nation” network).

He decided to drop the Rhee story because his friends told him he was obsessed. So he is moving on.

He writes:

“But Michelle Rhee is not the point of all this. What matters much more is what she failed to accomplish in Washington. She espoused a certain approach to reforming failing schools, a path that she and her successor have followed for six years, and that approach has not worked. That’s the central point: Rhee’s “scorched earth” approach of fear, intimidation and reliance on standardized tests scores to judge (and fire) teachers and principals does not lead to improved schools, educational opportunities, graduation rates or any of the other goals that she presumably embraces.”

Sorry, John, you can’t drop the central narrative of the “reform” movement. Nor can you forget that you, more than anyone else but Adrian Fenty, made Rhee. You owe it to the public to follow the story you made important. Without the national spotlight you shone on her, she would be just another tyro superintendent who tried her way, failed, and landed a job in quiet obscurity.

Instead, she just collected $8 million from the Walton Family Foundation. She is pouring millions of dollars collected from people who hate unions and public education and then making big contributions to rightwing Republicans and a few Democrats who support vouchers.

John, the story remains. It is not finished.

George Schmidt, who taught for many years in the Chicago Public Schools but was fired by Paul Vallas for releasing test questions, edits Substance News. Here is his analysis of Chicago’s perennial budget crisis:

Sorry this is very long, but I have a hunch that many people will want to know how the “austerity” lies that feed all those “necessary school closings” and teacher layoffs are created in the fictional propaganda offices of school districts across the USA — not just Washington D.C.

The “deficit” claims have to be reported (and accepted) as “fact” in order for the liars who are operating the “school reform” offices get away with all these attacks.

But: Let’s not give Michelle Rhee credit where she was only following a script that was previously written and perfected in — you’ll never guess — Chicago. As long ago as when Michelle Rhee was failing as a Teacher for America “teacher” and using masking (or duct) tape to maintain order in her classes, Chicago had perfected the process of “eternal austerity” in its education budgets. Every year (except one) during Arne Duncan’s term as “CEO” (2001 – 2008), Duncan held a press conference to announce that CPS was facing an enormous “deficit.” Duncan’s predecessors had been doing the same for a decade, concocting a “deficit” using what the former Board Secretary told me was their “magic number.”

That’s right — a “magic number.” According to Tom Corcoran, who first laid out the plan for me after his retirement, CPS officials would meet and decide what was needed to have a certain “deficit” (the “magic number”) and then arrange the preliminary numbers in the next year’s budget to create that “deficit.” Throughout the 1990s, the “magic number” every year was “$300 million!” That number then became a headline across the top of the front page of the Chicago Tribune, and was repeated endlessly until it was believed by everyone who was paying attention to the official version of reality.

Anyone familiar with a budget process knows how easily a “deficit” can be created in a future budge:

Overestimate expenses.

Underestimate revenues.

And this was the “Chicago Plan” from the days when MIchelle Rhee was still learning to “pass” her literature classes in high school thanks to Cliffs Notes.

Because the Chicago budget is projected for the next fiscal year, it’s difficult to challenge the magic number except based on history. The audited financial statements of Chicago’s public schools do not come out until six months after the end of the fiscal year, and that has been the first time the city has an accurate accounting of its school finances, since the lying about the magic number has been going on now for more than two decades.

Anyone interested can read the CAFR (the Comprehensive Annual Financial Report) of Chicago Public Schools, because they are public (by law) in December of each year. Unfortunately for the truth, the CAFR for a fiscal year comes out nearly two years after the BIG LIE of each magic number is created and spun to the public. Therefore, the CAFR for the current fiscal year we’re in in Chicago won’t be available until December (when it’s presented to the Board of Education members) and January (when we squeeze it out of CPS using the Freedom of Information Act). The FY 2013 CAFR will be available in December 2013, but FY 2013 ended two months ago, on June 30, 2013. And the Magic Number (another billion) was lied around and picked up by the corporate media in Chicago during the early months of 2012, during the first year of Rahm Emanuel’s Board of Education.

“Everyone” knows that Chicago’s public schools were facing a “billion dollar” deficit for the current fiscal year (FY 2014, July 1, 2013 through June 30, 2014). Everybody can read hundreds of stories from the past eight months in Chicago’s corporate media citing that figure. The New York Times repeatedly cited it, so, as most intelligent people knew, it HAD to be true.

BS.

The “Billion Dollar Deficit” was concocted the same way it always was, and then repeated over and over propaganda style in a way that would have been approved by the tyrants of the 20th Century.

One of the features of that “Billion Dollar Deficit” was that Chicago had “zeroed out” its “reserves.” That part of the big lie was part of the story told by Penny Pritzker and others on Rahm’s Board during that first year (leading up to the Chicago Teachers Strike of 2012). “Everyone” knew that CPS was facing a “Billion Dollar Deficit!” just by reading the newspapers and the quotes, from the Chicago Tribune through The New York Times. Blach Blachhhh Blahhhhhhh…

Suddenly, on July 24, 2013, CPS announced that its proposed budget had eliminated that Billion Dollar Deficit! — partly by “finding” more than $600 million in “reserves” it didn’t have. Of course, the July 24 report to the Board took place after Barbara Byrd Bennett and the Board had ordered the closing of 49 of the city’s real public schools (because of the need to save money because of that “Billion Dollar Deficit!”) and fired about 3,000 school workers (most of them, teachers) because everyone knew CPS was facing a “Billion Dollar Deficit!”

Anyone who wants to read the Power Point that shows how CPS “balanced” its new budget after telling the latest version of Magic Numbers for six months, with the help of the city’s (and nation’s) corporate media can go to the CPS Website:

http://www.cpsboe.org/meetings/meeting-videos/15

where there are videos of the presentations of the Board meetings.

In the third video, national readers can witness Tim Cawley, who currently serves as “Chief Administrative Officer” for CPS, and Barbara Byrd Bennett, who was brought to Chicago after helping destroy the public schools of Detroit, do a Power Point about that FY 2014 proposed budget. The public can also download that Power Point to have while watching the video of Cawley reading carefully from his scripts.

Cawley is just the latest in a long line of CPS officials who have presented the Magic Numbers with a straight face to an uncritical public.

Not one of the city’s corporate media noticed that a “reserve” that had been “zeroed out” supposedly 13 months earlier had not only fattened up, but reached a historic high — more than $600 million. And “everyone” who was reading the papers (including as I’ve said, The New York Times) knew that CPS had been facing a “Billion Dollar Deficit!”

The difference this year is that leaders of the Chicago Teachers Union began studying how CPS budgets in the room from which I’m writing this five years ago. We began, not with news clippings or CPS “Proposed Budget”, but with the CAFRs. Each year, we were able to track the same lies.

This year, as everyone read on the front page of The New York Times, the reason for the “Billion Dollar Deficit!” is the teacher pensions! And just in case The New York Times missed it, Tim Cawley repeated that over and over and over in his presentation the you can view on line.

But just so people reading this know, the New York Times reporters who did that front page story about the CPS “pension crisis” never called the Chicago Teachers Union or the Chicago Teachers Pension Fund to check the facts they were reporting — as “news” — from Rahm Emanuel and his allies and minions.

While it would be nice to say that Michelle Rhee was responsible for the “austerity” nonsense that drives all those teacher layoffs (and not, “pension reform”) and other “reforms” (close 49 “underutilized” schools, as in Chicago), as a matter of historical fact, one of the place that invented this whole scam was Chicago. Back when Michelle Rhee was honing her mendacity skills in elementary and high school.

Again:

All you need to reach a “Magic Number” for a “deficit” is to:

First: Underestimate revenues and

Second: Overestimate expenses…

And…

MOST IMPORTANTLY:Enjoy the services of a corporate media trained to treat a quote from an authoritative “source” (Michelle Rhee; Tim Cawley; Jean-Claude Brizard; Barbara Byrd Bennett) as if it were a “fact” even when the facts contradict the words oozing out of the mouth of the latest talking heads of “school reform.”

But you don’t have to believe me. Just read that front page story in The New York Times from a month ago about how Chicago’s schools will be broke because of the high price of all those teacher pensions. Here we go again…

Yesterday, the New York Times published an article about my forthcoming book that turned out to be a profile of me. The reporter, Motoko Rich, did a good job of describing me, my dog Mitzi, and the basic facts of my unusual philosophical and political journey over the past few decades.

The headline was wrong, however, and I know that reporters don’t write headlines. Whoever wrote it is out of touch. The headline said: “Loud Voice Fighting Tide of New Trend in Education.” I would have preferred an adjective other than “loud,” like “strong” or “persistent.” My megaphone is actually rather small, consisting of nothing more than my pen (actually, my computer). I don’t know how “loud” my computer is.

I also found objectionable the suggestion that I was fighting a “new trend.” In fact, I am fighting the status quo. When a policy is shared by the U.S. Department of Education, the U.S. Congress, most governors and state legislatures, ALEC, Jeb Bush, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, and the President of the United States, how can it be called “new”?

I wish the article had said that the book refutes every claim of the privatization movement; that it provides ample documentation to show that American education is not failing or declining; that it demonstrates that test scores for American students are at an all-time high; that high-school graduation rates are at an all-time high; that dropout rates are at a historic low; and that privatization of public education is bad for our democracy.

It turns out I was not the only one who harbored these concerns. Read The Daily Howler on this topic.

 

In this letter, the executive director of the Tennessee Council of Teachers of English reflects on what literacy means in the age of “reform.” Is literacy the goal? Is literacy possible? Can we ignore “reform” and just talk about Frost and Whitman and literature? Or does “reform” require something else? The unspoken here, if I may interpret, is that the future of literacy is at stake; that “reform” may produce good test-takers who are unable to question what they are doing or why they are doing it.

 

 

Letter from the Executive Director of the Tennessee Council of Teachers of English:

On Literacy and Education Reform.

I would like to escape the tiresome topic of education reform. I would like to say, “Let’s get back to the subject itself! Let’s get back to the teaching of English, to the subjects of writing, literature, and literacy… .” And yet. You may have anticipated the coming of a yet. And yet, what I would like to write about writes me right back to the subject of education reform, the very subject that I would like to escape. I would ten times rather drowse in nostalgia, dreaming of a golden age, an age when writing, literature, and literacy were mostly all that teachers worried with and all in our world was well-enough to worry little more. Yet, as soon as the letters of literacy are typed and appear—like the reflex to stop anything when a bell is struck—the reverie ends. The reverie ends as a similar reverie ends, the brief and interrupted reverie of the narrator in Robert Frost’s “Stopping By Woods on a Snowy Evening.” That reverie begins with the narrator watching woods fill up with snow and ends with the ringing “yet” of a horse’s harness bells—a “yet” that calls the narrator back to the yet of where he is and what it is that he must yet do.

If only in teaching I could escape education reform. If only I could watch words like snow fill pages of poems such as Frost’s. If only I could return to the midwivery of writing instruction, to the unlocking of minds that the keys of literacy bring. But then, there’s the word again, literacy. Something makes me hang upon the word. Something on which I halt, something that calls, something that rings with the meaning of literacy itself, something that will not let me sleep. That ringing something begins with this notion, the notion that literacy is not so simple as it sounds.

Being literate is more than an ability. It is more than an ability because in a larger sense being literate implies that one is not simply able to read. Being literate implies that one actually reads. Being literate further implies that one reads more than words—because in a stronger sense, being literate can refer to multiple kinds of literacy. Financial literacy, political literacy, and social literacy, for example, are kinds of literacies, a few of the literacies we use to navigate the world.  We can also be literate in a metacognitive way; being literate implies that we can read between the lines. Being literate thus extends to perception and understanding, to experience and knowledge. Beyond these, even, literacy extends to wisdom and ethics, to being literate in the sense of purpose that calls us in our lives and in our professions. There is a literacy to intuition and more mystically a literacy to conscience, that ringing bell that sounds between our ears.

In our roles as teachers of literacy, we are today called to practice the art. We are called to become literate ourselves, to become literate where it is now most needed for us as teachers. We are called to become literate in education reform. The irony is that we are called to “reform literacy” at a time when we are stressed and fatigued by education reform itself, at a time when we would most like to lose ourselves in the woods of literature, woods lovely and deep. We are called to “reform literacy” at a time when we would most like to return to that joy that energizes and drives our passion for teaching. We did not enter teaching because we had a passion for political activism. We would all much rather be reading an article that fuels our knowledge and ability as teachers of English, not another article that refers to education reform.

And yet. Yet there is that rising clamor of bells clanging in our ears, a clamor that does not diminish but grows louder with the passing days. Like ringing bells, AYP, Common Core, teacher evaluation, failing school… We hear these “bells” ringing in faculty meetings, in the teacher’s lounge—and what newsletter or journal in our field today would be complete without an article on education reform? We can only cover our ears for so long. That same workhorse nature that drove us to teaching, that compelling drive to bring light to others and to make a better world, that same workhorse nature now shakes to wake us. It shakes to wake us from watching our woods fill up with snow, a snow that silently steals upon the sleeping until too late, and they are too deeply buried to escape. We hear it in our hearts, these compelling bells. Not yet can we sleep.

We who have loved literature must remember why we loved literature in the first place. We have loved literature in the first place for what it can be, the highest expression of literacy itself, a literacy lifted by words to that aether beyond where words can fly. What literature can be, in its highest expression, is a literacy of life, a literacy born of our collective human experience, collective experience that may warn, for one, when we must stop watching the woods fill up with snow and go to work.

I am tempted to mix (extended) metaphors and invoke the bells of Whitman’s “O Captain, M Captain.” I am tempted to say that similar bells now call us to our promise as teachers, a promise to be captains, leaders in our classrooms. I am tempted to say that similar bells remind us of our duty to those eyes that follow, to steady the keel while weathering the storm of reform, to develop the literacy we need to safely navigate our ship.

I am tempted to continue with metaphor, but I should be blunt. I should write in language plain and clear.

In mid 2011, I had been following education reform news for a while. I was not following it deliberately. I was simply subject to the haphazard news and rumors circulating in my small school. I read what news I ran across, but I did not give much time to looking more deeply into what I read. Of course in my daily life, I could not help but notice changes, to note tenure’s demise, to worry whether our school would manage to meet AYP for every subgroup of students, to be concerned with being evaluated and whether my students would show significant growth. Then about two years ago, I began by degrees to read with more direction, to research the facts of what I was told, to try to read between the lines. Increasingly, as I did so, I began to realize just how illiterate I was with respect to education reform, and the more I read, the more I read. I drew upon all of the literacies in which I had been trained: economic literacy, political literacy, social literacy, and drawing from each of these literacies, slowly began to make sense for myself of what is happening in education—or, what I would like to say, what is really happening in education. But here I’ll say no more. It rather goes against the grain of my point to share the conclusions to which I myself have come, save one. There is one conclusion that I will share.

The conclusion that I will share is this: no matter how much we would like to return to talking about the teaching of English, to the subjects of writing, literature, and literacy, we cannot escape the fact of education reform. We cannot escape the fact of education reform because—in epic irony—education reform purports explicitly to be directed at developing literacy on the one hand, and on the other hand, education reform seems only ostensibly to be directed at developing literacy—and may rather be motivated by aims quite unrelated to the development of literacy. Indeed, by some accounts, if the full aims of so called “education reform” should be realized, such aims will succeed in part owing to a general lack in the kinds of literacy needed for the public to develop well-informed opinions, for there is the worry that education reform’s true aims may in important ways differ from the stated aims generally cited to the public. Indeed, if the motives the more cynical ascribe to education reform prove true, then the aims of education reform are anything but literacy. Budget and profit-driven aims may, for example, depend instead upon illiteracy, the illiteracy of an all too trusting public, a public that uncritically accepts what figures of authority state to be true. Budget and profit-driven aims of education reform may, as it turns out, depend highly upon teachers and the public alike to take what they are told at face value, to fail to read, to fail to read further, to fail to read between the lines, and to uncritically accept and unquestioningly assume, for example, that if they are told that failing schools are epidemic in America, then it must be true that failing schools are epidemic in America.

I may hint at what I think the evidence shows, but one must draw one’s own conclusions. Yet, to draw our own conclusions, we first must read about education reform. We must find the extra time and energy to investigate education reform for ourselves. We must employ the literacy we uniquely have at our own command and be open-minded to the possibility that education reform may not be all that it purports to be—for surely bells that once sounded far away in the distance are now sounding closer and more numerous than before. It is hard not to hear these questioning bells today—and surely we can no longer ignore what we are hearing without our own investigations, applying the tools of the literacy we claim to teach.

We would like to sleep and dream of a world undisturbed with worries of education reform. We would like to think we could go on about the usual business of teaching English, returning to the subjects of writing, literature, and literacy—without making a new subject of “reform literacy.” We would like to ignore the bells and simply watch the woods fill up with snow, as if such snow were but a dream.

But perhaps we should “reform” our own ideas, particularly about the meaning of literacy itself. Perhaps we should think of literacy as always at root connected with the reading of reality, with the truth of circumstance, with the here and now, with truth itself. For if literacy loses its connection with the truth, with what is literally happening, then we would no longer be teaching, much less teaching literacy. We would be passively participating in what is antithethical to literacy, a kind of collective self-deceit.

The word literacy rings us to our senses, so to speak, and we have miles to go before we sleep.

Dwight Robert Wade

Executive Director, Tennessee Council of Teachers of English

 

 

 

A great article in Politico.com by Stephanie Simon acknowledges that the primary election in New York City was a rejection of Bloomberg’s education policies of the past decade. The rejection of corporate reform in New York City has national implications, as NYC was held up as one of the “stars” of the privatization movement. Similarly, the election of the insurgent slate in Bridgeport, Connecticut, showed that the public was reclaiming public education from the corporate reform crew running the state.

While the Network for Public Education did not take a position in the New York City mayoral primary, I personally endorsed Bill de Blasio and wrote articles on Huffington Post supporting his candidacy. De Blasio is the candidate who is likeliest to reject Bloomberg’s intense focus on testing, closing schools, and giving special preference to charter schools. De Blasio issued a press release making it clear that if he is elected mayor, he will place a moratorium on any new charters until there was a process for including the voice of the local community and parents.

The Network for Public Education endorsed the insurgent slate in Bridgeport, and we think we gave them an extra boost to carry them to victory over the machine slate.

Please join the Network for Public Education and help us as we help the candidates for office, especially for local school boards, who want to strengthen our public schools, not privatize them.

A regular reader has posted several comments that seem to
imply that not enough teachers are being fired. Or that a system
with a small number of teachers fired was not up to par, assuming
that there are many “bad” teachers who have not been found out yet.
This seems to be the assumption behind Race to the Top and the
Gates’ approach to evaluation: stack ranking, from top to bottom.
Fire the bottom. I responded that about 40% of teachers leave
within the first five years of starting their job. He asked for
evidence. Good question. Here are two good sources. Ken Futernick
of Wested in Sn Francisco wrote an excellent article called “Incompetent
Teachers or Dysfunctional Systems?”
Matt Di Carlo wrote
a good overview of
the research here.
In no other profession do so many
people exit so rapidly. This suggests to me that states and
districts should have high standards for hiring teachers and then
should mentor new teachers, build a collegial culture, and make
sure that retention is a goal. We make a huge mistake with the new
evaluation systems, which seem intended to find and fire weak
teachers. The goal should be to make teachers better, if they are
willing to be helped. Churn is bad.

Arthur Camins is director of the Center for Innovation in Engineering and Science Education at the Stevens Institute of Technology in Hoboken, New Jersey. When Camins read Paul Thomas’s latest commentary about the lack of evidence behind reform strategies, he wrote the following:

“Over the past several years I have read countless articles and books all saying basically the same thing: The foundations of current education reform – competition, reward, sanctions and consequential testing – are not supported by evidence. In fact, they are contraindicated. Their use as policy levers promotes competition rather than collaboration, teaching to the test rather than deeper sustainable learning and increased school segregation. Many have expressed incredulity that reform supporters ignore evidence. Maybe it is not so surprising.

I think there are two explanations.

The first is the power of ideological blinders and hubris or what I called in an earlier article, The Fog of the Education War. (http://www.arthurcamins.com/?p=36)

The second explanation is different goals and values. I, and many other critics of current reform strategies place high value on education for democratic participation and responsible citizenship, educational equity for all and deeper learning. We have argued that charter schools, merit pay and over-testing undermine those goals. Maybe “reformers” know this too, but do not object. Maybe they want different things. Maybe they accept inequality as a fact of life. And, some may be just out to make a buck.

The question is which road will we choose – improvement for all or just a few. (http://www.arthurcamins.com/?p=191)”

Barbara Miner is a veteran journalist and photographer who has been writing about education and Milwaukee for many years. Her most recent book tells the history of public education in Milwaukee: Lessons from the Heartland: A Turbulent Half-Century of Public Education in an Iconic American City.

In this blog, she explains the history of vouchers in Milwaukee.

Milwaukee is the poster district for vouchers because that city has had vouchers since 1990. Advocates talked on and on about “saving poor kids from failing schools,” so imagine what a surprise it was when the voucher schools took the state tests in 2012–twenty years after the initiation of vouchers–and the scores of poor children were the same in voucher schools as in public schools–but actually worse in math.

Miner writes: “After more than 20 years, one of the clearest lessons from Milwaukee is that vouchers, above all, are a way to funnel public tax dollars out of public schools and into private schools. Vouchers, at their core, are an abandonment of public education.”

Some of their original champions in the black community, like Polly Williams, feel betrayed. Others, like Howard Fuller, have gone on to run an organization (Black Alliance for Educational Options) that is handsomely funded by rightwing foundations to persuade black parents that their children will be “saved” if they abandon public education for vouchers.

We hear repeatedly about the shortage of qualified
engineers and the need for more science, technology, and
mathematics majors. I am all for that. I would also like to see
more majors in the arts, philosophy, history, government,
literature, and world languages. This reader–who signs as
“Democracy”–offers thoughts about “the STEM crisis”–and examines
the role of Lockheed Martin’s Norman Augustine, who has been
outspoken on this and other educational subjects. (See his defense
of standardized
testing here.
). And more on “the STEM crisis” here.
But Augustine and the president of Cornell wrote an article
stressing the importance of the humanities and foreign languages
here,
while making a case for the Common Core. All seem to be about jobs
and national competitiveness, the aims of the day. . “Democracy”
writes: It seems that former Lockeed CEO Norm Augustine was invited
to tour Charlottesville-area public schools, where
he touted his brand of corporate “reform
” and lauded
schools for their STEM (science, technology, engineering, math)
focus, which goes under the rubric of “21st-century education.” As
CEO at Martin Marietta, Augustine brokered the merger of that
company with Lockheed to produce Lockheed Martin and got taxpayers
to subsidize nearly a billion dollars of the merger cost, including
tens of millions in bonuses for executives (Augustine netted over
$8 million). And then the merged company laid off thousands of
workers. The promised efficiencies and cost savings to the
government (and taxpayers) have yet to materialize. Lockheed Martin
is is now the largest of the big defense contractors, yet its
government contracts are hardly limited to weapons systems. While
Lockheed has broadened its services, it is dependent on the
government and the taxpayers for its profits. It’s also #1 on the ”
‘contractor misconduct’ database” which tracks contract abuse and
misconduct. Meanwhile, while Norm Augustine touts the need for more
STEM graduates (Science, Technology, Engineering and Math) and STEM
teachers for public schools, Lockheed is laying off thousands of
engineers. Research studies show there is no STEM shortage, but
Augustine says (absurdly) that it’s critical to American economic
“competitiveness.” A 2004 RAND study “found no consistent and
convincing evidence that the federal government faces current or
impending shortages of STEM workers…there is little evidence of
such shortages in the past decade or on the horizon.” The RAND
study concluded “if the number of STEM positions or their
attractiveness is not also increasing” –– and both are not –– then
“measures to increase the number of STEM workers may create
surpluses, manifested in unemployment and underemployment.” A 2007
study by Lowell and Salzman found no STEM shortage (see:
http://www.urban.org/publications/411562.html ). Indeed, Lowell and
Salzman found that “the supply of S&E-qualified graduates
is large and ranks among the best internationally. Further, the
number of undergraduates completing S&E studies has grown,
and the number of S&E graduates remains high by historical
standards.” The “education system produces qualified graduates far
in excess of demand.” Lowell and Salzman concluded that “purported
labor market shortages for scientists and engineers are anecdotal
and also not supported by the available evidence…The assumption
that difficulties in hiring is just due to supply can have
counterproductive consequences: an increase in supply that leads to
high unemployment, lowered wages, and decline in working conditions
will have the long-term effect of weakening future supply.” Lowell
and Salzman noted that “available evidence indicates an ample
supply of students whose preparation and performance has been
increasing over the past decades.”