Archives for category: Special Education

No, it is not KIPP. It is the Gulen charters, a group of nearly 150 charters located in many states and loosely affiliated or “inspired by” a reclusive Turkish cleric, Fethullah Gulen. Mr. Gulen lives in seclusion in the Poconos but leads a major political movement in Turkey.

The Gulen charters often specialize in math and science. They have a board of directors composed of Turkish men. Some though not all of their teachers are Turkish. They have names like Harmony, Magnolia, Horizon, and Sonoran. Check here for a full list.

To find out more about the Gulen schools, check this website.

To learn about the Gulen movement, read this.

To read about Gulen schools in Texas and lucrative deals for Turkish construction firms, read here

To read about Gulen schools that were audited in Georgia, read here

To read about a Gulen school and its treatment of autistic students in Minneapolis, read here..

People often ask me, “Why don’t the public schools learn from the charter schools?”

Good question.

The top-rated charter school in Minneapolis has lessons to teach the public schools. But I doubt that the public schools should copy those lessons or even if the lessons are legal.

First, the charter school takes half as many students with disabilities. Then, it has double the suspension rate of the public schools. That raises the charter’s test scores. Then the media and legislators say we need more schools like that.

That is the lesson.

Very clever but not very original.

If you add the scores on standardized tests for five years in a row, can you tell who the best and worst teachers are?

No.

But that’s the theory behind value-added assessment.

The idea is that an “effective” teacher raises test scores every year. The computer predicts what the test scores are supposed  to be, and the teacher who meets the target is great, while the one who doesn’t is ineffective and should be shunned or banished.

But study after study shows that value-added assessment is rife with error. As this paper from the National Academy of Education and the American Educational Research Association shows, value-added assessment is unstable, inaccurate and unreliable. Teachers who get high ratings one year may get low ratings the next year. Teachers are misidentified. Data are missing. The scores say more about which students were in the classroom than the teachers’ “quality” and ability to teach well.

Teachers of the gifted are in trouble because the students are so close to the ceiling that it is very difficult to “make” them get higher scores.

Teachers of special education are in trouble because their students have many problems taking a standardized assessment. A teacher wrote me last year to tell me that her students would cry, hide under their desks, and react with rage; one tore up the test and ate the paper.

Teachers of English language learners are in trouble because many of their students don’t know how to read English.

A superintendent in Connecticut wrote me to say that his state department of education is pushing the Gates’ MET approach. I urged him to read Jesse Rothstein’s critique. In fact, the MET study won the National Education Policy Center’s Bunkum award for research that reached a conclusion that was the opposite of its own evidence.

For a fast and accurate summary of what research says about value-added assessment, read this article by Linda Darling-Hammond.

VAM is junk science. Bunk science.

Just another club with which to knock teachers, wielded by those who could never last five minutes in a classroom.

Sara Stevenson, librarian at O. Henry Middle School in Austin, Texas, is a tenacious, fearless writer of letters and articles about education. She has been the kind of stand-up leader that every community and every school needs. Here is her latest.

                       The Texas GOP and Pro-Choice in Education

“If a students feels, a family feels they need a better opportunity,
they should have that right,” he said. “And especially, students with
disabilities and autism, to be trapped in a school that can’t help you
get over a disability, is a sin. And we’re going to stand up for that
community.” He received sustained applause.

Dallas Morning News, August 30

When I read the quotation above, I realize that Senator Dan Patrick and I live in different universes.  First of all, children with autism and disabilities are well served in public education. In fact, the Special Education laws and lobbies are the most powerful in public education. By law, we must serve every child who enters our school, nomatter what her disabilities.  Many students with special needs have one-on-ones. These are trained adults who accompany the special needs child daily from class to class. These employees are expensive, but they are necessary and the right thing to do. I can’t imagine a private school would want to take on the additional cost of hiring a one-on-one for a special needs child when the proposed voucher covers less than $6000 of tuition per year.

Proponents for school choice pitch their arguments as a way for the
poor and disabled to have the same choices the rich have in choosing
the right school for their children, to save students from “failing”
schools. Due to NCLB, students in failing schools already have choice.
When their school fails to make adequate yearly progress, they may
transfer to any passing school in the district.  I know because my
school received seventy sudden students a week before school began,
even though we are at full capacity and closed to transfers. This law
strains the passing schools by causing overcrowding and drains
struggling schools of its most involved students and families, making
it that much harder to pass the following year as standards rise.

The resurrection of the voucher issue is extremely troubling. While
the proponents talk about vouchers as “the Civil Rights issue of our
day,” I suspect it’s merely a cover for families, who already send
their children to private and parochial schools, to get a tax break.
Furthermore, the data supporting voucher schools is thin. Recently,
Matthew Chingos and Paul Peterson advocated vouchers in the Wall
Street Journal, pointing to a long-term study (1997-2011) which shows
a higher percentage of students who accepted vouchers enrolled in
college than those who applied but didn’t receive them, particularly
among African-American students. However, when looking at the data
more closely, the study reveals that these African-American students
enrolling in college were more likely to be only children and more
likely to have at least one college-educated parent.

Still, it’s interesting that Chingos and Peterson chose to use the
measure of college enrollment rates.  Why didn’t they argue that the
voucher students attending private schools have higher test scores
than their peers left behind? Perhaps it’s because the Milwaukee
voucher system, which has been in place for over twenty years, and the
DC voucher program show no significant difference in test scores
between the two groups.

Texas, the land of Friday Night Lights, the state where 10% of the
nation’s public school students attend school, does not need a private
school voucher system. We need to invest in our current public schools
and lower the student/teacher ratio so that it matches the ratio in
private schools. Calling for private school vouchers at a time of
drastic public education budget cuts is a non-starter.

I missed this article when it was published several months ago.

It says that 86% of charters in Florida have no students with severe disabilities.

Thats not right.

 

One of the model laws circulated and advocated by the rightwing group ALEC is a voucher program for students with special needs.

ALEC, you may know, represents many of our nation’s major corporations. It has about 2,000 conservative state legislators as members and a few hundred corporate sponsors. ALEC crafted the “Stand Your Ground” law that the shooter invoked when he killed Trayvon Martin last spring in Florida. ALEC also crafted model legislation for voter ID laws that are characterized by its critics as voter suppression laws.

In education, ALEC has written draft legislation for vouchers for all, vouchers for special needs, charters, alternative certification, test-based teacher evaluation, and anything else they could think of to transfer public money to private hands and to undermine the teaching profession.

Ohio recently expanded its statewide voucher program, which was written originally for students with autism; now it is for students with disabilities of other kinds. This is part of the ALEC game plan to erode public support for public education. Read the article from Ohio. It says that the private schools are not accepting the students with the greatest need, and that some students who never attended public schools are now getting public subsidy. All combine to reduce public funding to public schools.

The Florida voucher plan for students with disabilities is called the McKay Scholarship program. It was embroiled in controversy when an investigative reporter discovered that the program was unsupervised, that some participating schools had no curriculum, no educational program and were run by unqualified people. Which raises the question of whether the point of the program is to help the children or to dismantle public education.

New York state has a similar program for pre-K special education students. Although it is not called a voucher program, it is almost completely privatized (and it predates ALEC’s agenda). The New York State Comptroller recently released an audit showing the program to be rife with fraud, inflated enrollments, corruption, etc.  It is also the most expensive program for pre-K special education in the nation.

The private sector does not have all the answers. Neither does the public sector. Any program using public money should be carefully, rigorously supervised and regulated, especially when children are involved.

 

This just in from a teacher in Boston, in response to this post about teachers at “no excuses” schools:

Check out the number of special education students and limited English speakers in Boston Public Schools compared to these charter schools where genius teachers from fancy universities are such a great success. BPS has 18.3% special education and 30% limited English speakers. The Edward Brooke has 7.4% special education students and .2% limited English speakers. The Edward Brooke, which is scary with their extreme military style discipline, has the lowest percentage of pesky resistant learners at the charters mentioned in this article. I can tell you after five years of teaching at a Boston charter that these schools are nothing more than test prep factories. I wonder how well these no-excuse reformers would do with special education students, kids who can’t speak English while planning creative, hands-on experiences in a democratically run class room.

Bruce Baker has studied charter enrollments in New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Houston, and New York City.

Matthew DiCarlo observed that the GAO report actually understated the disparity in charter enrollments of students with disabilities, by comparing charters to the nation, instead of to the district where they are located. Urban districts have higher rates of students with disabilities than the national rate.

Bruce Baker notes that some charters inflate their numbers of special education students by taking only those with the mildest disabilities:

A really big issue which I’ve been able to explore only in a few contexts is the breakout of children with disabilities served by charters versus those left behind in public districts. There are cases where it looks like charters are serving comparable total rates of children with disabilities. But, when classification data are available, it almost invariably turns out that the charter schools are serving only (or mostly) those with speech impairment or mild specific learning disabilities. I provide one example here:http://schoolfinance101.wordpress.com/2012/06/05/the-commonwealth-triple-screw-special-education-funding-charter-school-payments-in-pennsylvania/

Where the PA special education funding formula for charters actually encourages taking on low severity special education students, because charters receive the average special education spending rate of the host district for each special education student. In other words, the fiscal incentive in PA is to set up a charter specifically geared toward mild learning disabilities and speech impairment.

I also show this effect in New Jersey here:

http://schoolfinance101.wordpress.com/2012/08/06/effects-of-charter-enrollment-on-newark-district-enrollment/

I posted previously about Bruce Baker’s study of charter schools in New York City and Houston.

It is such a clear and concise analysis of which students enroll in charters and how much charters spend, I am posting it again here.

Charters in these two cities do not enroll the same proportion of students with disabilities and students who are English language learners as public schools.

Charters in these cities tend to spend more per pupil, in some cases, significantly more than public schools.

Please read it. 

This information is drawn from public sources. Why charter advocates continue to insist that charters enroll the same students as public schools is one of the public policy mysteries of our day.

Baker’s study shows how charters routinely skim the easiest to educate students, spend more, and then claim success.

A new study will be published tomorrow showing the same phenomena for charters in the state of Texas.

Obviously this is not true of every charter.

But it seems to be typical.

At what point do charter advocates stop denying what has been documented again and again?

At what point do states begin to require charters to take a fair share of all children, not just those who produce the highest test scores?

We have seen this story again and again. A lawsuit against the charters in New Orleans and the District of Columbia filed on behalf of children with disabilities. A charter school in Minneapolis that literally pushed out 40 children with special needs, part of a pattern in which the nation’s largest charter chain–the Gulen-affiliated schools–keep their test scores high by excluding students with disabilities. Study after study showing that charters take fewer children with disabilities. Even a federal study by the GAO documenting that charter schools have a smaller proportion of children with special needs, to which the relevant federal official responded with a yawn and a promise to look into it someday.

And now the AP has documented the widespread practice, in which charters take fewer students with special needs, take those with the mildest disabilities, and harm the public schools that are expected to educate a disproportionate share of the neediest, most expensive to educate children.

As this movement, this industry, continues to grow, aided by lavish federal and foundation funding, abetted by a thriving for-profit sector, we must ask the same questions again and again: What is the end game? Are charters becoming enclaves for those who want to avoid “those children”? Will we one day have a dual school system for haves and have-nots? Will our public school system become a dumping ground for those unwanted by the charters?

And why is the U.S. Department of Education not asking these questions?