Archives for category: Research

Reformers have framed their narrative around the myth of “the bad teacher, without whom all children would make A’s in every subject every year. With this false narrative, they have promoted lengthy, tme-wasting evaluations to find and fire these academic frauds.

The narrative itself is the fraud. Like every profession, there are good and bad practitioners. Some teachers are excellent in some settings, not in others. We count on qualified administrators–not algorithms–to evaluate their staffs.

But now comes another reason to doubt the reformers’ narrative. A new study shows that the quality of teachers has been increasing over the past 15 years.

The abstract says:

“The relatively low status of teaching as a profession is often given as a factor contributing to the difficulty of recruiting teachers, the middling performance of American students on international assessments, and the well-documented decline in the relative academic ability of teachers through the 1990s. Since the turn of the 21st century, however, a number of federal, state, and local teacher accountability policies have been implemented toward improving teacher quality over the objections of some who argue the policies will decrease quality. In this article, we analyze 25 years of data on the academic ability of teachers in New York State and document that since 1999 the academic ability of both individuals certified and those entering teaching has steadily increased. These gains are widespread and have resulted in a substantial narrowing of the differences in teacher academic ability between high- and low-poverty schools and between White and minority teachers. We interpret these gains as evidence that the status of teaching is improving.”

This is a terrific article by civil rights attorney Wendy Lecker about the madness of our nation’s obsession with standardized testing.

 

She writes:

 

Last year, President Barack Obama committed hundreds of millions of dollars to brain research, stressing the importance of discovering how people think, learn and remember. Given the priority President Obama places on the brain in scientific research, it is sadly ironic that his education policies ignore what science says is good for children’s brains.

It is well known that play is vital in the early grades. Through play, kindergarteners develop their executive function and deepen their understanding of language. These are the cornerstones of successful reading and learning later on.

At-risk children often arrive at school having heard fewer words than more advantaged children. This deficit puts at-risk children behind others in learning to read. Scientists at Northwestern have recently shown that music training in the early years helps the brain improve speech processing in at-risk children.

Scientists at the University of Illinois have demonstrated that physical activity, coupled with downtime, improves children’s cognitive functions.

Scientists have also shown that diversity makes people more innovative. Being exposed to different disciplines broadens a student’s perspective. More importantly, working with a people from different backgrounds increases creativity and critical thinking.

These proven paths to healthy brain development are blocked by Obama’s education policies, the most pernicious of which is the overemphasis on standardized tests.

Despite paying lip service to the perils of over-testing, our leaders have imposed educational policies ensuring that standardized tests dominate schooling. Though standardized tests are invalid to measure teacher performance, the Obama administration insists that students’ standardized test scores be part of teacher evaluation systems. Both under NCLB and the NCLB waivers, schools are rated by standardized test scores. Often, a high school diploma depends at least in part on these tests. When so much rides on a standardized test scores, tests will drive what is taught and learned.

Just last month, U.S. Education Secretary Arne Duncan declared that yearly standardized testing is essential to monitor children’s progress. Setting aside the fact the new Common Core tests have not been proven to show what children learn, data shows that a child who passes a standardized test one year is overwhelmingly likely to pass the next year. Therefore, yearly standardized testing is unnecessary.

 

She adds:

 

The result? More than 10 years of high-stakes test-based education policy under NCLB and the waivers has narrowed curricula. Schools de-emphasize any subject other than language arts and math. In kindergarten, play has all but been eliminated in favor of direct instruction, and social studies, art, music, science, physical education and other subjects are disappearing. School districts at all grade levels are forced to reduce or eliminate these subjects to pay for implementation of the Common Core and its testing regime. Lansing Michigan last year eliminated art, music and physical education from elementary schools and the state of Ohio is considering the same. Recess has disappeared from many schools. The Obama administration promotes policies that increase school segregation yet have questionable educational value, like school choice. Consequently, school segregation continues to rise.

 

If we don’t end our obsession with picking the right bubble, marking the right box, we will ruin the education of a generation of children.

 

 

Professor Francesca Lopez of the University of Arizona responded to Betts and Tang’s critique of her post on the website of the National Education Policy Center.

 

 

 

She writes:

 

 

 

In September, the National Education Policy Center (NEPC) published a think-tank review I wrote on a report entitled, “A Meta-Analysis of the Literature on the Effect of Charter Schools on Student Achievement,” authored by Betts and Tang and published by the Center on Reinventing Public Education. My review examined the report, and I took the approach that a person reading the report and the review together would be in a better position to understand strengths and weaknesses than if that person read the report in isolation. While my review includes praise of some elements of the report, there is no question that the review also points out flawed assumptions and other areas of weakness in the analyses and the presentation of those analyses. The authors of the report subsequently wrote a prolonged rebuttal claiming I misrepresent their analysis and essentially reject my criticisms.

 

The rebuttal takes up 13 pages, which is considerably longer than my review. Yet these pages are largely repetitive and can be addressed relatively briefly. In the absence of sound evidence to counter the issues raised in my review, the rebuttal resorts to lengthy explanations that obscure, misrepresent, or altogether evade my critiques. What seems to most strike readers I’ve spoken with is the rebuttal’s insulting and condescending tone and wording. The next most striking element is the immoderately recurrent use of the term “misleading,” which is somehow repeated no fewer than 50 times in the rebuttal.

 

Below, I respond to each so-labeled “misleading statement” the report’s authors claim I made in my review—all 26 of them. Overall, my responses make two primary points:

 

 The report’s authors repeatedly obscure the fact that they exaggerate their findings. In their original report, they present objective evidence of mixed findings but then extrapolate their inferences to support charter schools. Just because the authors are accurate in some of their descriptions/statements does not negate the fact that they are misleading in their conclusions.

 

 The authors seem to contend that they should be above criticism if they can label their approaches as grounded in “gold standards,” “standard practice,” or “fairly standard practice.” When practices are problematic, they should not be upheld simply because someone else is doing it. My task as a reviewer was to help readers understand the strengths and weaknesses of the CRPE report. Part of that task was to attend to salient threats to validity and to caution readers when the authors include statements that outrun their evidence.

 

One other preliminary point, before turning to specific responses to the rebuttal’s long list. I am alleged by the authors to have insinuated that, because of methodological issues inherent in social science, social scientists should stop research altogether. This is absurd on its face, but I am happy to provide clarification here: social scientists who ignore details that introduce egregious validity threats (e.g., that generalizing from charter schools that are oversubscribed will introduce bias that favors charter schools) and who make inferences on their analyses that have societal implications, despite their claims of being neutral, should act more responsibly. If unwilling or unable to do so, then it would indeed be beneficial if they stopped producing research.

 

What follows is a point-by-point response to the authors’ rebuttal. For each point, I briefly summarize those contentions, but readers are encouraged to read the full 13 pages. The three documents – the original review, the rebuttal, and this response – are available at http://nepc.colorado.edu/thinktank/review-meta-analysis-effect-charter. The underlying report is available at http://www.crpe.org/publications/meta-analysis- literature-effect-charter-schools-student-achievement.

 

#1. The authors claim that my statement, “This report attempts to examine whether charter schools have a positive effect on student achievement,” is misleading because: “In statistics we test whether we can maintain the hypothesis of no effect of charter schools. We are equally interested in finding positive or negative results.” It is true that it is the null hypothesis that is tested. It is also true that the report attempts to examine whether charter schools have a positive effect on student achievement.

 

Moreover, it is telling that when the null hypothesis is not rejected and no assertion regarding directionality can be made, the authors still make statements alluding to directionality (see the next “misleading statement”).

 

#2. The authors object to my pointing out when they claim positive effects when their own results show those “effects” to not be statistically significant. There is no question that the report includes statements that are written in clear and non-misleading ways. Other statements are more problematic. Just because the authors are accurate in some of their descriptions does not negate my assertion that they make “[c]laims of positive effects when they are not statistically significant.” They tested whether a time trend was significant; it was not. They then go on to say it is a positive trend in the original report, and they do it again in their rebuttal: “We estimate a positive trend but it is not statistically significant.” This sentence is misleading. As the authors themselves claim in the first rebuttal above, “In statistics we test whether we can maintain the hypothesis of no effect.” This is called null hypothesis statistical testing (NHST). In NHST, if we reject the null hypothesis, we can say it was positive/negative, higher/lower, etc. If we fail to reject the null hypothesis (what they misleadingly call “maintain”), we cannot describe it in the direction that was tested because the test told us there isn’t sufficient support to do that. The authors were unable to reject the null hypothesis, but they call it positive anyway. Including the caveat that it is not significant does not somehow lift them above criticism. Or, to put this in the tone and wording of the authors’ reply, they seem “incapable” of understanding this fundamental flaw in their original report and in their rebuttal. There is extensive literature on NHST. I am astonished they are “seemingly unaware” of it.

 

#3. My review pointed out that the report shows a “reliance on simple vote-counts from a selected sample of studies,” and the authors rebut this by claiming my statement “insinuates incorrectly that we did not include certain studies arbitrarily.” In fact, my review listed the different methods used in the report, and it does use vote counting in a section, with selected studies. My review doesn’t state or imply that they were arbitrary, but they were indeed selected.

 

#4. The authors also object to my assertion that the report includes an “unwarranted extrapolation of the available evidence to assert the effectiveness of charter schools.” While my review was clear in stating that the authors were cautious in stating limitations, I also pointed to specific places and evidence showing unwarranted extrapolation. The reply does not rebut the evidence I provided for my assertion of extrapolation.

 

#5. My report points out that the report “… finds charters are serving students well, particularly in math. This conclusion is overstated; the actual results are not positive in reading and are not significant in high school math; for elementary and middle school math, effect sizes are very small…” The authors contend that their overall presentation of results is not misleading and that I was wrong (in fact, that I “cherry picked” results and “crossed the line between a dispassionate scientific analysis and an impassioned opinion piece”) by pointing out where the authors’ presentation suggested pro-charter results where unwarranted. Once again, just because the authors are accurate in some of their descriptions does not negate my assertion that the authors’ conclusions are overstated. I provided examples to support my statement that appear to get lost in the authors’ conclusions. They do not rebut my examples, but instead call it “cherry picking.” I find it telling that the authors can repeatedly characterize their uneven results as showing that charters “are serving students well” but if I point to problems with that characterization it is somehow I, not them, who have “crossed the line between a dispassionate scientific analysis and an impassioned opinion piece.”

 

#6. I state in my review that the report includes “lottery-based studies, considering them akin to random assignment, but lotteries only exist in charter schools that are much more popular than the comparison public schools from which students are drawn. This limits the study’s usefulness in broad comparisons of all charters versus public schools.” The rebuttal states, “lottery-based studies are not ‘akin’ to random assignment. They are random assignment studies.” The authors are factually wrong. Lottery-based charter assignments are not random assignment in the sense of, e.g., random assignment pharmaceutical studies. I detail why this is so in my review, and I would urge the authors to become familiar with the key reason lottery-based charters are not random assignment: weights are allowed. The authors provided no evidence that the schools in the study did not use weights, thus the distinct possibility exists that various students do not have the same chance of being admitted, and are therefore, not randomly assigned. The authors claim charter schools with lotteries are not more popular than their public school counterparts. Public schools do not turn away students because seats are filled; their assertion that charters do not need to be more popular than their public school counterparts is unsubstantiated. Parents choose a given charter school for a reason – oftentimes because the neighborhood school and other charter school options are less attractive. But beyond that, external validity (generalizing these findings to the broader population of charter schools) requires that over-enrolled charters be representative of charters that aren’t over-enrolled. That the authors test for differences does not negate the issues with their erroneous assumptions and flatly incorrect statements about lottery-based studies.

 

#7. The authors took issue with my critique that their statement, “One conclusion that has come into sharper focus since our prior literature review three years ago is that charter schools in most grade spans are outperforming traditional public schools in boosting math achievement” is an overstatement of their findings. In their rebuttal, they list an increase in the number of significant findings (which is not surprising given the larger sample size), and claim effect sizes were larger without considering confidence intervals around the reported effects. In addition to that, the authors take issue with my critique of their use of the word “positive” in terms of their non-significant trend results, which I have already addressed in #2.

 

#8. The authors take issue with my finding that their statement, “…we demonstrated that on average charter schools are serving students well, particularly in math” (p. 36) is an overstatement. I explained why this is an overstatement in detail in my review.

 

#9. The authors argue, “Lopez cites a partial sentence from our conclusion in support of her contention that we overstate the case, and yet it is she who overstates.” The full sentence that I quoted reads, “But there is stronger evidence of outperformance than underperformance, especially in math.” I quoted that full sentence, sans the “[b]ut.” They refer to this as “chopping this sentence in half,” and they attempt to defend this argument by presenting this sentence plus the one preceding it. In either case, they fail to support their contention that they did not overstate their findings. Had the authors just written the preceding sentence (“The overall tenor of our results is that charter schools are in some cases outperforming traditional public schools in terms of students’ reading and math achievement, and in other cases performing similarly or worse”), I would not have raised an issue. To continue with “But there is stronger evidence of outperformance than underperformance, especially in math” is an ideologically grounded overstatement.

 

#10. The authors claim, “Lopez seriously distorts our work by comparing results from one set of analyses with our conclusions from another section, creating an apples and oranges problem.” The section the authors are alluding to reported results of the meta- analysis. I pointed out examples of their consistent exaggeration. The authors address neither the issue I raise nor the support I offer for my assertion that they overstate findings. Instead, they conclusively claim I am “creating an apples and oranges problem.”

 

#11. The authors state, “Lopez claims that most of the results are not significant for subgroups.” They claim I neglected to report that a smaller sample contributed to the non-significance, but they missed the point. The fact that there are “far fewer studies by individual race/ethnicity (for the race/ethnicity models virtually none for studies focused on elementary schools alone, middle schools alone, or high schools) or other subgroups” is a serious limitation. The authors claim that “This in no way contradicts the findings from the much broader literature that pools all students.” However, the reason ethnicity/race is an important omission is because of the evidence of the segregative effects of charter schools. I was clear in my review in identifying my concern: the authors’ repeated contentions about the supposed effectiveness of charter schools, regardless of the caution they maintained in other sections of their report.

 

#12. The authors argue, “The claim by Lopez that most of the effects are insignificant in the subgroup analyses is incomplete in a way that misleads. She fails to mention that we conduct several separate analyses in this section, one for race/ethnicity, one for urban school settings, one for special education and one for English Learners.” Once again, the authors miss the point, as I explain in #11. The authors call my numerous examples that discredit their claims “cherry picking.” The points I raise, however, are made precisely to temper the claims made by the authors. If cherry-picking results in a full basket, perhaps there are too many cherries to be picked.

 

#13. The authors take issue that I temper their bold claims by stating that the effects they found are “modest.” To support their rebuttal, they explain what an effect of .167 translates to in percentiles, which I argued against in my review in detail. (The authors chose to use the middle school number of .167 over the other effect sizes, ranging from .023 to .10; it was the full range of results that I called “modest.”) Given their reuse of percentiles to make a point, it appears the authors may not have a clear understanding of percentiles: they are not interval-level units. An effect of .167 is not large given that it may be negligible when confidence intervals are included. That it translates into a 7 percentile “gain” when percentiles are not interval level units (and confidence bands are not reported) is a continued attempt to mislead by the authors. I detail the issues with the ways the authors present percentiles in my review. (This issue is revisited in #25, below.)

 

#14. The authors next take issue with the fact I cite different components of their report that were “9 pages apart.” I synthesized the lengthy review (the authors call it “conflating”), and once again, the authors attempt to claim that my point-by-point account of limitations with their report is misleading. Indeed, according to the authors, I am “incapable of understanding” a “distinction” they make. In their original 68-page report, they make many “distinctions.” They appear “incapable of understanding” that the issues I raise concerning “distinctions” is that they were reoccurring themes in their report.

 

#15. The authors next find issue with the following statement: “The authors conclude that ‘charter schools appear to be serving students well, and better in math than in reading’ (p. 47) even though the report finds ‘…that a substantial portion of studies that combine elementary and middle school students do find significantly negative results in both reading and math – 35 percent of reading estimates are significantly negative, and 40 percent of math estimates are significantly negative (p. 47)’.” This is one of the places where I point out that the report overstates conclusions notwithstanding their own clear findings that should give them caution. In their rebuttal, the authors argue that I (in a “badly written paragraph”) “[insinuate] that [they] exaggerate the positive overall math effect while downplaying the percentage of studies that show negative results.” If I understand their argument correctly, they are upset that I connected the two passages with “even though the report finds” instead of their wording: “The caveat here is”. But my point is exactly that the caveat should have reigned in the broader conclusion. They attempt to rebut my claim by elaborating on the sentence, yet they fail to address my critique. The authors’ rebuttal includes, “Wouldn’t one think that if our goal had been to overstate the positive effects of charter schools we would never have chosen to list the result that is the least favorable to charter schools in the text above?” I maintain the critique from my review: despite the evidence that is least favorable to charter schools, the authors claim overall positive effects for charter schools—obscuring the various results they reported. Again, just because they are clear sometimes does not mean they do not continuously obscure the very facts they reported.

 

#16. The authors take issue with the fact that my review included two sentences of commentary on a companion CRPE document that was presented by CRPE as a summary of the Betts & Tang report. As is standard with all NEPC publications, I included an endnote that included the full citation of the summary document, clearly showing an author (“Denice, P.”) other than Betts & Tang. Whether Betts & Tang contributed to, approved, or had nothing to do with the summary document, I did not and do not know.

 

#17. The next issue the authors have is that I critiqued their presentation and conclusions based on the small body of literature they included in their section entitled, “Outcomes apart from achievement.” The issue I raise with the extrapolation of findings can be found in detail in the review. The sentence from the CRPE report that seems to be the focus here reads as follows, “This literature is obviously very small, but both papers find evidence that charter school attendance is associated with better noncognitive outcomes.” To make such generalizations based on two papers (neither of which was apparently peer reviewed) is hardly an examination of the evidence that should be disseminated in a report entitled, “A Meta-Analysis of the Literature on the Effect of Charter Schools on Student Achievement.” The point of the meta-analysis document is to bring together and analyze the research base concerning charter schools. The authors claim that because they are explicit in stating that the body of literature is small, that their claim is not an overstatement. As I have mentioned before, just because the authors are clear in their caveats, making assertions about the effects of charter schools with such limited evidence is indeed an overstatement. We are now seeing more and more politicians who offer statements like, “I’m not a scientist and haven’t read the research, but climate change is clearly a hoax.” The caveats do little to transform the ultimate assertion into a responsible statement.

 

Go to the link to read the rest of Professor Lopez’s response to Betts and Tang, covering the 26 points they raised.

On September 30, Francesca Lopez of the University of Arizona reviewed a study of charter schools by Julian R. Betts and Y. Emily Tang of the University of California at San San Diego

Betts and Tang here respond to Lopez’ critique of their study of charter school achievement..

The critical study by Lopez was published by the National Education Policy Center and posted on this blog.

Betts and Tang say that Lopez misrepresented their study. They write:

“First, what did we find in our meta-analysis of the charter school effectiveness literature? On average, charter school studies are revealing a positive and statistically significant difference between math achievement at charter schools and traditional public schools. We also find a positive difference for reading achievement, but this difference is not statistically significant. Second, we devote much of our paper to studying not the mean effect, but the variation across studies in the effect of attending a charter school. We find that charter schools’ effectiveness compared to nearby traditional public schools varies substantially across locations.

“What is the central claim of Lopez? She writes: “The report does a solid job describing the methodological limitations of the studies reviewed, then seemingly forgets those limits in the analysis” (p. 1). She uses words like “exaggeration” and “overstated” (p. 8) to characterize our analysis of the literature, and implies that our conclusions are not “reserved,” “responsible,” (p. 7) or “honest” (p. 7 and p. 8).

“Throughout her essay, Lopez falsely projects intentions in our words that simply are not there. We encourage interested readers to review the words that we actually wrote, in their full context, in our abstract, main paper, and our conclusion. We are confident that readers will confirm for themselves that any “overstated” conclusions of which Lopez accuses us are imagined.”

“There are serious problems with Lopez’s arguments. First, she habitually quotes our work in a selective and misleading way. Such rhetorical slights, in which she quotes one of our sentences while ignoring the highly relevant adjacent sentences, or even cutting important words out of our sentences, overlook important parts of our analysis and result in a highly inaccurate presentation of our work. Second, her analysis contains six technical errors. These technical mistakes, some quite serious, invalidate many of Professor Lopez’s claims. An appendix to this essay exposes more than two dozen misleading or outright incorrect statements that Lopez makes in a mere 9-page essay. To give readers a sense of the scope and severity of these problems, consider the following examples:

“Example 1: A Partial and Misleading Quotation

“Lopez insinuates that we exaggerate the positive overall math effect while downplaying the percentage of studies that show negative results. She writes:
“The authors conclude that ‘charter schools appear to be serving students well, and better in math than in reading’ (p. 47) even though the report finds ‘…that a substantial portion of studies that combine elementary and middle school students do find significantly negative results in both reading and math—35 percent of reading estimates are significantly negative, and 40 percent of math estimates are significantly negative (p. 47)’”

“Here is what we actually wrote on page 47: “Examining all of these results as separate parts of a whole, we conclude that, overall, charter schools appear to be serving students well, and better in math than in reading. The caveat here is that a substantial portion of studies that combine elementary and middle school students do find significantly negative results in both reading and math—35 percent of reading estimates are significantly negative, and 40 percent of math estimates are significantly negative.”

“Lopez uses two rhetorical devices to lead readers to the perception that we overstated findings. First, she separates the two quotations, implying that we are somehow hiding the second result, when in fact we intentionally mention the positive overall mean math effect and the variation in the results across studies side by side. Second, she further misleads the reader by again cutting out part of our sentence. Instead of stating that we have a “caveat” to the positive mean math effect she removes that entire clause.

“What makes the approach of Lopez even more misleading is that in the paragraph above, we were bending over backwards to be fair. We cite only one type of study in that quotation: those that combine elementary and middle schools. (These account for about 1/7th of all the studies.) Why did we focus only on those studies in the above quotation? Because these studies were the exception to our conclusion—the ones that produced the highest percentage of studies with negative and significant estimates. Wouldn’t one think that if our goal had been to overstate the positive effects of charter schools we would never have chosen to list the result that is the least favorable to charter schools in the text above? For example, we could have stated that for elementary school studies, only 12% showed negative and significant reading results, compared to 71% showing positive and significant results. Or we could have stated that only 11% of elementary school studies showed negative and significant math results, while 61% showed positive and significant results in math.

“Lopez fails to list any of the more positive results from the other grade span categories studied that led us to our overall conclusion. We noted the exception above precisely because it was an exception. While it is worth noting, it does not refute the other evidence. By citing an exception as a reason to dismiss all of the other results, Lopez misses the main point of a statistical meta-analysis. This is a consistent pattern throughout her essay.”

Betts and Tang make 26 points about the flaws of Lopez’s analysis.

Remember that Arne Duncan said that there was too much testing, that testing was sucking the oxygen and joy out of classrooms? New York didn’t get the message. In that state, state tests count for 20% of educator evaluations, and local assessments count for another 20%. That is the agreement negotiated with the unions when the state won Race to the Top funding.

That was then, this is now.

The Néw York Board of Regents want state test scores to count for 40% of the evaluations of teachers and principals. This report was was confirmed to me by someone in Albany.

It matters not to the Regents that test-based evaluation is not working anywhere else. It matters not that the AERA and the National Academy of Education warned against it, warned that it would incentivize teachers to avoid high-needs students. It matters not that the American Statistical Association warned against using test scores to rate individual teachers since they affect only 1-14% of variation in student scores.

The ASA said: “Attaching too much importance to a single item of quantitative information is counter-
productive—in fact, it can be detrimental to the goal of improving quality. In particular, making changes in response to aspects of quantitative information that are actually random variation can increase the overall variability of the system.”

Unlike the state of Vermont, which refuses to rate teachers and principals by test scores, Néw York’s Regents will plunge ahead, regardless of the damage they do to teachers, principals, students, and communities.

Andy Hargreaves of Boston College asks an important question: What is the purpose of benchmarking? We collect data, we measure, we test, we set goals, but why? Will it improve performance if we know that someone else does it better? Do they have the same challenges, the same resources? Is there more to education than raising tests ores and do higher test scores necessarily mean better education?

Andy begins with two stories about benchmarking, one positive, one negative. One improved public health, one made it easier to conduct war.

Right now, under pressure from No Child Left Behind and Race to the Top, everything is measured. Why? To fire teachers and principals? To close schools? To hand public property to entrepreneurs? Who benefits? What do we do with the losers? Throw them away? Plenty of children were left behind, and many will not make it to “the top.”

Andy writes:

“Is the purpose of our educational benchmarking to further the public good, to raise the standards of education for all, to elevate the poorest and most disadvantaged students to the greatest heights of accomplishment? And once we have done our calculations and made our maps, what pathways will be opened up, and what people and resources will be pulled along them in this worthy quest for equity and excellence? The White House announced earlier this summer that it would address educational inequities by collecting data to help pinpoint where they existed, but there seemed to be no plan to bring up the people and resources to correct them.

“Is there a second purpose of educational benchmarking then? Is it to delineate the weak from the strong, inciting nation to compete against nation, Americans against Asians, and school against school. After we have pinpointed schools that are failing, does this just make it easier for invading opportunists to set up charter schools in their place, or to market online alternatives, tutoring services and the like?

“As in surveying, benchmarking in education should be about discovering where we stand and learning about who we are and what we do by observing those around us. It should be about improving public education, just as the sewer maps for my hometown contributed to public sanitation. Benchmarking should not be about fomenting panics about performance in relation to overseas competitors. And it should not be about dividing schools, families and communities from each other to create easy pickings for the educational market.

“Whenever we are engaged in the data-driven detail of educational benchmarking, these are the greater questions we should be asking. Of what map or whose map are we the servants?”

Moshe Adler, a professor at Columbia University, has emerged as one of the most incisive critics of the work of Raj Chetty, John Friedman, and Jonah Rockoff on Value-added measurement (VAM).

In the recent Vergara decision about tenure for teachers in California, the study by Raj Chetty and John Friedman of Harvard and Jonah Rockoff of Columbia played a prominent role. But according to the economist Moshe Adler the study is wrong and misleading. According to Adler, the authors suppressed a result that contradicts their main claim, they picked and chose which data sets to use, they used a misleading method of analysis that inflated their results and they misrepresented research that contradicts their claims as supporting them. These are just a few of the problems with the scientific integrity with the study. Adler wrote his review for the National Education Policy Center and it can found at: http://nepc.colorado.edu/newsletter/2014/06/adler-response-to-chetty)

A short time after the publication of his NEPC review, Adler received an email from Chetty that informed him that the study had been accepted for publication by the American Economic Review (AER). (Chetty also suggested that a Nobel Prize will likely follow!) Adler immediately wrote to the editors of the AER to alert them to the grave scientific problems with the study. The editor-in-charge did not evaluate Adler’s objections herself, nor did she send them to the referees to evaluate. Instead, she forwarded Adler’s letter to the authors who then replied to Adler’s NEPC review. The editor found this reply satisfactory, but as Adler explains in his response, Chetty’s et al.’s reply is without merit, and it only adds to the problems with the research. Chetty’s letter to Adler and Adler’s correspondence with the AER can be found at: http://www.columbia.edu/~ma820/Chetty%20Adler%20AER.htm

Jack Hassard, professor emeritus of science education at Georgia State University, here reviews the ratings of the National Council on Teacher Quality and declares them to be “junk science.” He looks at the Georgia institutions of teacher preparation and finds that the ratings are haphazard, spotty, and inaccurate. The he gathers some of the major critiques by others and concludes that the ratings as a whole are bogus, nothing more than propaganda to undermine teacher preparation and force it into NCTQ’s political framework. He calls the NCTQ ratings an “assault on teacher preparation.”

Professor Hassard taught science education at GSU for 33 years. He notes that 21 institutions offer 269 programs for teacher preparation in Georgia. Of those 269, the NCTQ reviewed 39, not by visiting them but by reading course catalogues and syllabi, which reveal nothing about the quality of the programs. He calls the Georgia ratings “feeble and incompetent.”

The ratings were assembled, writes Hassard, by unqualified reviewers: “We analyzed the make-up of the NCTQ people, and discovered that it represents a “stacked deck.” Only 2.5% of the participants in the review were teacher educators–active professors out there doing teacher education. The NCTQ was stacked with corporate executives, foundation executives, and employees of NCTQ. It was far from representing the field of teacher education.”

He adds: “The “methods” used include sources including: syllabi (when they can get them), textbooks, catalogs, handbooks, evaluation forms. We show that the NCTQ report on teacher preparation is junk science. The method that they employed in their study avoided data from the very sources that could help uncover the nature of teacher preparation. These sources are faculty, administrators, students, and cooperating school districts and educators. Without interviewing and observing teacher preparation programs directly, and without establishing a cooperative relationship with the these institutions, the NCTQ condemns itself to false claims, outright opinions that have little bearing on the nature of teacher preparation.”

Audrey Amrein Beardsley invited an economist to review Raj Chetty & Co’s effort to take down the statement of the American Statistical Assosociation.

Chetty and friends are the leading advocates for using test scores to rank teachers and fire those whose students have the lowest scores. The ASA report was inconvenient for their thesis, as it pointed out that teachers account for a small percentage of the variance in test scores, that what is observed is likely to be correlation all, not causal, and that putting so much weight on test scores was likely to cause bad effects.

There is also the inconvenient fact that VAM is no longer a neat theory, but has moved into the realm of reality. Some districts have used it, often with unfortunate results. One would think that academics would feel some obligation to see how their theory is working in practice rather than continue to market it on grounds of its theoretical elegance.

Peter Greene steps into a debate about whether schools are “working.”

One answer: let research tell us.

Greene disagrees.

Research, he says, depends on the questions you consider important. In the past, communities decided what they wanted their schools to do.

He writes:

“Because what works and what doesn’t work is not a matter of good research at all. Or rather, the research doesn’t matter.

“Only one thing matters– the definition of “works.”

“Does this raggedy philips head screwdriver work? That depends on whether I want to use it to unscrew screws or punch holes in a soup can. Does telling my wife she’s fat work? That depends on whether I want to make her happy or angry.

“If I get to define what “working” looks like, all the measuring, testing, researching, test tubial navalgazing introexamination that follows is secondary. Part of what gets folks’ backs up about the Reformsters is that they start with, “You do not understand how a school is supposed to work. You are doing school wrong.”

Well, I don’t agree with Peter that research doesn’t matter. I think that the corporate reformers choose whatever research fits their policies. If there is none, then they ignore research. They know what they want to do, and no research will change their minds. They decide that “no child should be left behind” and ignore research showing that such a utopia never happened without kicking kids out or otherwise gaming the system. They say that teachers should be rated by the scores of their students but when research says that’s a truly stupid idea, they ignore research. When they boast about the glories of vouchers, charters, and competition, they conveniently ignore the Petri dish of Milwaukee, where this combination has been a disaster.