Archives for category: Poverty

In my initial post about KIPP, I described a critique of the KIPP charter school network by Gerald Coles, an educational psychologist.

Coles raised questions about the reliability of the research on KIPP and about the selection of students.

I suggested a challenge to KIPP, that it should take an entire impoverished district to test its theories, if such a district were willing.

Schorr responded with a post that rejected the challenge and questioned my objectivity and integrity.

Others have replied to Schorr, including Katie OsgoodCaroline Grannan, and Paul Thomas.

I hope that KIPP will give serious consideration to my challenge.

Gerald Coles responded to Schorr on his blog. Here is Coles’ remarks:

Jonathan Schorr objects to the suggestion that research on KIPP that is funded by the same corporations that help fund KIPP might be as biased as other corporation-funded research, such as by tobacco, drug, coal and companies, on the value and safety of the very products these corporations produced.

Consider these statements:

“KIPP is a *bold effort*  [my emphasis] to “transform and improve the educational opportunities available to low-income families.” 

“KIPP’S ‘Five Pillars’ *distinguish its approach* [my emphasis]: high expectations for all students to reach high academic achievement, regardless of students’ backgrounds.” 

“The promise seen in KIPP schools and other charter networks that use similar approaches is a prominent reason that the Obama administration is making the *expansion of high-quality charter schools a central component of its nationwide educational improvement agenda.* [my emphasis].”

No one would be surprised to read these cheerleading statements on the KIPP website.  Who would expect KIPP to do anything less than rah, rah, sis-boom-ba on its behalf?  But these quotes are not  from the KIPP website, rather, they come from the introduction of the very report of the “independent” research that supposedly, like all sound scientific investigations, is a disinterested, neutral investigation. 

Do cheerleading statements like these raise any skepticism for Mr. Schorr?   Given what Mr. Schorr surely must know about the history of industry-funded research, as well as about truly independent research at odds with results of the Mathematica study, how can he insist that any suggestion of “bias is both odd and easily disproven”?  

Had Mr. Schorr been an adult in the 1950s, would he have thought wholly credible the tobacco companies’ creation of the Tobacco Industry Research Council, staffed with credentialed researchers?  (After all, these companies were merely desirous of studying the outcomes of their products?)  Would he, in the 1960s, have thought credible this letter to an elementary school teacher from RJ Reynolds Tobacco Company assuring the teacher that: “medical science [funded by the tobacco industries] has been unable to establish that smoking has a direct causal link with any human disease”? 

Mr. Schorr issues “disclaimers,” noting that he “worked at KIPP for several years” and now works at a Fund that has supported KIPP schools.  What do such disclaimers mean?  Certainly they don’t necessarily mean independent thinking.  Yes, there’s no reason to question that the ideas he expresses on his blog are his own, as he says, but that’s not the same as saying that there’s any light between his ideas and those of his past and present employers.

With respect to the “accusation that KIPP’s performance is driven by selectivity in admissions,” far from what Mr. Schorr claims, it certainly does have a “place in responsible discussion.”   While it is true that KIPP does not “select” its students, it’s clear that KIPP’s “open enrollment” policy does not produce an equal playing field with the public schools: KIPP schools do have a “lower concentration of special education and limited English proficiency students than the public schools from which they draw.”  How did that happen?  Surely Mr. Schorr must know of this imbalance and he must also recognize that KIPP’s enrollment process is itself fostering a selective admission process, i.e., a self-selection (inherent cherry-picking self-selection) that tilts away from students with the most educational challenges .   As such, why would a discussion of this process be “irresponsible” and why is KIPP itself not critical of its “open enrollment” process? 

Regarding the issue of KIPP’s greater per-pupil spending, this finding has been duplicated, including in a  recent independent  study of KIPP in Texas, conducted by Julian Heilig.  That study found per student spending for KIPP Austin to be $17,286 vs. $10,667 for the Austin public schools; and $13,488 for KIPP Houston vs $10,127 for the Houston pubic schools.   (Heiig notes that the financial data are readily available online each year from the State of Texas.)

As for KIPP’s dropout rate for African-American students, the Heilig study concludes: “despite the claims that 88-90% of the children attending KIPP charters go on to college, their attrition rate for Black secondary students surpasses that of their peer urban districts.”  Why does Mr. Schorr seem not to pay attention to findings like these?

Mr. Schorr accused Diane Ravitch of positing a “silly” question” when she asks (actually she asks three questions):

“What is KIPP really trying to prove? Do they want the world to believe that poverty, homelessness, disabilities, extreme family circumstances, squalid living conditions have no effect on children’s readiness to learn? Doesn’t KIPP imply that schools can achieve 100% proficiency if they act like KIPP?”

Mr. Schorr describes these queries as “silly” because, he says, “Nobody at KIPP – indeed, nobody I know at all – believes poverty doesn’t matter.”   However, looking closely at his response explaining how “poverty” does “matter,” we see that in fact, in his mind poverty does not  matter, not in the way Ravitch means it (the obvious way, to anyone who gives her comments a fair reading!).  For Schorr (and, presumably, KIPP management), poverty matters because it creates the challenging personal qualities in KIPP students.  The students are hungry, traumatized, etc., all of which combine to make up “the realities of [poor] kids’ lives” that KIPP tries to address in a variety of instructional and ancillary service ways.  Give KIPP credit, Schorr urges, for responding in its “forthright and humble” ways to the “the difficulty of the challenge” of the personal qualities of poor children.

Let’s give Schorr credit for having a good heart, that is, I assume (& I’m saying this without cynicism) that he is genuinely concerned about the education and futures of poor kids.  However, in his concern, he echoes the “no excuses” mantra, that is, the insistence that poverty is no excuse for poor students’ educational failure.   Poor students can  go to school with the challenging personal qualities poverty creates, but in the right schools – “no excuses” schools — they will succeed.   Poverty can exist and continue to exist because “no excuses” schools like KIPP address and enable students to overcome poverty’s effects.  KIPP requires no national economic and social changes, no redistribution of wealth, etc. 

Ravitch’s point, which was obvious in the commentary to which Schorr replied, is that it is poverty itself that national policy must address directly.   When Ravitch asks, “What is KIPP trying to prove?,” she is asking, is KIPP trying to prove that in responding to the consequences of poverty there is not the foremost educational need to pursue the elimination (or at least a dramatic reduction) of the conditions of poverty?  Why does Mr. Schorr wholly contort and dismiss Ravitch’s point? 

Schorr is perplexed by Ravitch’s obdurate criticism of KIPP and appeals to her, explaining that KIPP is just “trying to build superb schools that give the kids who attend them terrific choices in life.”  Why Schorr wonders aloud, does “Dr. Ravitch finds that so disturbing?”  I wonder why is Mr. Schorr not paying more attention to the independent research on KIPP and other charters, and why did he completely misinterpret Ravitch’s very critical points about poverty?
  

Josh Greenman of the New York Daily News writes today that President Obama has been terrific on education reform issues: he has challenged teachers’ unions, pushed for merit pay, encouraged the expansion of charter schools, and used billions of dollars in stimulus funds (via Race to the Top) to promote an agenda that either President Bush would envy. In its editorials, the Daily News has stridently defended charters, testing, and accountability, and has led the charge against the teachers’ union. The billionaire owner of the Daily News, Mort Zuckerman, is on the board of the Broad Foundation, which avidly promotes school closings and privatization.

So imagine Josh’s disappointment that the President is now kowtowing to those teachers unions and saying that more money will solve the problems. He writes, “So count me disappointed that Obama is campaigning for reelection with education rhetoric that is ripped right out of a dusty old Democratic Party playbook.” Wow. A Democratic President actually sounding like a Democrat on education.

Josh wonders why the President doesn’t stick up for his strong testing-and-accountabiilty and school choice agenda. Why doesn’t he boldly admit that his program is not all that different from Romney’s? (There are two big issues where they differ: Romney supports vouchers, Obama doesn’t; Obama wants to help students with their crushing student loans, Romney doesn’t.) UPDATE: (One other major difference: Romney thinks anyone should be allowed to teach, without any certification or standards, and you can bet that he will continue the Republican assault on teachers’ unions.)

Josh implies that the President is reaching out to teachers and their unions and supporters of public education because–guess what?–it is an election year. With a few more eloquent speeches, maybe he can persuade them that his agenda has some resemblance to the traditional Democratic view that schools should have adequate resources, that teachers have a right to bargain collectively, that the federal government has a responsibility to promote equity (not competition), and that school choice is the rightwing plan to privatize the public schools.

Well, it is good to hear the rhetoric. That’s a change. We can always hope that he means it. But that, of course, would mean ditching Race to the Top and all that absurd rightwing rhetoric about how schools can fix poverty, all by themselves.

A previous post referred to Anthony Cody’s dialogue with the Gates Foundation about their insistence that teachers are the central problem in education today, not poverty. Anthony patiently explained why poverty matters, and the foundation’s response was noncommittal, really just a repetition of stale slogans like “poverty is not destiny.” Not surprisingly, some bearers of the reform flag assailed Anthony. This reader supports him and explains why:

The thing that makes this a “dialog” is that both sides answer each other. By claiming Cody said teachers aren’t important, or poverty is destiny, or any other outright lie, corporate “reformers” are now exposed, because Anthony’s blog is right there on the Gates website, for anybody to read.For instance, a manufactured corporate pundit wrote a column yesterday disputing a point Cody never made. He proclaims, “One More Time: Education is the Long-Term Solution for Fighting Poverty.”
http://dropoutnation.net/2012/08/20/once-more-time-education-is-the-long-term-solution-for-fighting-poverty/

It’s hard to make this a dialog, though, because he is hiding comments like the following one, which I posted yesterday. Here it is, in full:

Anthony Cody never said anything like “poverty is destiny”. What he says is that child poverty hurts children, and that it can be fought. He speaks for me, also, in that argument.

Like Anthony Cody, I believe that education can lift whole families out of poverty, for generations to come. I believe it so strongly that, like him, I’ve dedicated my life to the actual education of low-income kids in high-poverty schools and districts. On Monday, I’ll meet a new year’s worth of students. Based on previous experience, I’ll be able to move maybe 20% of them up to honors math and science next year. As their cognitive integration accomplishes Piaget’s great leap to abstract operations, all of them will learn. Many will find that chemistry opens the doors to the possible lives they had secretly dreamed of.

If you or the Gates foundation also believed that our work can transform their lives, it seems to me we’d be people you’d be willing to listen to. Instead, your “reform” is destroying schools, closing doors, and choking off lives.

Cody and I believe in great teachers too, we just don’t believe that statistics about teachers can make us greater. He pointed out that the Foundation’s “advocacy” is imposing harm, not benefit, on the children it purports to serve. What he actually said about the Gates Foundation’s leveraged philanthropy is this:

“In the name of reform, the Gates Foundation has wielded its political influence to effectively shift public funds, earmarked for the service of poor children, away from investment in those children’s direct education experience. Through the Race to the Top and NCLB waiver conditions, the US Department of Education has instead dedicated public resources to creating state and federal mandates for the Gates Foundation’s costly project — making sure every aspect of our educational system is “driven by data.”

Sometimes something happens that is so astonishing, so breathtaking, and simultaneously so disturbing that I don’t know how to characterize it.

The public school district of Chester-Upland, Pennsylvania, is in financial trouble. It was under state control for many years. It was at one time managed by the Edison company. After years of inept state management, it was returned to local control in 2010. It has a for-profit charter school run by a politically connected millionaire that has attracted half the students in the district. The New York Times wrote about how the charter school was being sued by and losing resources to what one educator described as a “charter school on steroids.” The district went bankrupt earlier this year, and the teachers and staff worked without salaries. There have been massive layoffs and budget cuts and the facilities are in disrepair.

One way of looking at Chester Upland is that it has been brought down by state interference, state abandonment of its responsibilities, fumbled efforts at privatization, an inadequate tax base, poverty, budget cuts, and competition with a voracious charter school that sucks millions of dollars out of the underfunded public schools.

Education is a state responsibility. So what is the state doing to preserve public education for the children of Chester Upland?

Ron Tomalis, the secretary of education for the state of Pennsylvania, has appointed Joe Watkins as recovery manager for the school district. Joe Watkins is the head of the PAC in the state that advocates for school choice.

According to the local newspaper: “Watkins is the pastor of Christ Evangelical Church in Philadelphia and a Republican political analyst for MSNBC.
Watkins also is both a registered lobbyist and the chairman for Students First, an advocacy group supporting “comprehensive school choice.” Students First donated thousands of dollars to the campaign of Republican Gov. Tom Corbett, according to published reports…Having since appointed Watkins as Chester Upland’s chief recovery officer, the school board now has 14 days to determine whether it will work with Watkins to develop a financial recovery plan. If the board declines, Tomalis can petition the courts to place Chester Upland under receivership. The financial recovery plan can include closing schools, cutting staff and transforming schools into charters.”

What do you think will happen to the public schools of Chester Upland?

Anthony Cody, who has been blogging regularly for Education Week, persuaded the Gates Foundation to engage in an exchange with him.

Anthony has written a brilliant series of analyses and critiques, explaining patiently why the Gates Foundation misses the point by blaming teachers for the ills of U.S. education.

Unquestionably his most powerful post was his description of the impact of poverty in the lives of children today. Anthony asked, “Can Schools Defeat Poverty By Ignoring It?”

He waited patiently to hear how the Gates Foundation would respond.

They responded. They said nothing. 

Nothing.

Nothing.

They will continue their reckless course of action, demoralizing teachers and ignoring the causes of low achievement.

Katie Osgood has a terrific blog. She works with children with high needs. I learn a lot from Ms. Katie whenever I read her writings:

 

What If Charter Schools Did What They Were Intended to Do?

 
As I continue to meet dozens and dozens of charter school students from across Chicago, I am continually reminded how different the charter schools are from their nearby public neighborhood schools. Working in a psychiatric facility means all the students I meet have some sort of mental health problem. And yet, a vast majority of the children I meet from the charters have either mild, or inward-focused disabilities such as depression or anxiety. Their learning problems are minimal and they have overwhelmingly been strong students academically. Many have only just begun to attend charters so, for the most part, I do not credit the schools themselves with this difference. These kids are the ones who already are good students with minimal behavior issues.

And I wonder, instead of skimming away these high-performing students, what if charter schools had followed the original intention of their creation? What if these schools had targeted not the best test-takers, or kids who with just a little push could be great test-takers (since test-taking is the only metric anyone seems to care about these days), but instead focused on the ones who were about to dropout, the ones who had a history of behavior problems, the ones who disrupted the learning of all the other students and took up the time of the teachers, the ones who are over-represented in Special Education, the ones who were truly struggling in the public schools?

And I imagine the charters as using flexibility in curriculum, staffing, and the use of funds to create truly innovative places of learning. They would be schools with various extra-curriculars to keep kids engaged, extra staff support to reach this tougher group of kids, innovative use of technology, services to reach out to kids already involved with gangs or with substance abuse issues, special programs for kids in the juvenile justice system or even the foster care system, flexible start and end times to encourage students to actually attend school regularly, vocational training opportunities including partnerships with local businesses and industries, and more. Charters could become an alternative to oppressive alternative schools.

In the meantime, the neighborhood school would feel supported and be better able to do a job educating the students who could succeed under a more traditional version of school. There are plenty of children living in low-income neighborhoods who have supportive home lives and who are ready to be challenged academically. But thanks to the effects of poverty, there are MORE students who suffer from debilitating behavior and learning challenges. It matters that some children are not receiving proper nutrition. It matters that more children are being exposed to substances in utero. It matters that children are growing up watching extreme violence on their streets and experiencing post-traumatic stress as a result. It matters that families cannot find employment and children suffer from the daily stress of unstable living conditions. It matters that children are being thrust into bouts of homelessness and the chaotic lives that ensue. If charter schools stepped up to help THESE kids, they ones I meet every day at my work—the ones who are difficult even for a staff of highly-trained professionals– they would be doing a huge service to communities and public schools. Charter schools would be SUPPORTING neighborhood schools by focusing attention and resources on the kids who truly needed it.

Somehow, the vast majority of charter schools (with some exceptions, no doubt) focus all their attention on kids who already can “cut it”. They claim they have solved the puzzle of low-income schools. I’m sorry, but just because your student population is made up of children from low-income backgrounds and students of color, does NOT mean they are the struggling students. Poverty does matter, but it impacts families and individuals differently.

I look at my students at the hospital. The neighborhood schools are truly working with a tougher bunch of kids. Some of them will eventually be transferred (after many meetings, a whole lot of paperwork, and a lot of pushing and advocating) to therapeutic day schools or alternative schools. But there are not nearly enough schools like this to accommodate all the children with significant problems in school. And unlike the successful charters, the neighborhood schools don’t get two teachers and an aide in a class of under 20 kids (See Harlem Children’s Zone Promise Academies.) In fact, as their stronger performers are siphoned away to the charters along with their funding, they will have even less to offer the students left behind.

Charters could’ve really helped my toughest kids. These kids deserve a fighting chance at a good education. Instead, somewhere in the twisted logic of current education reform, they are being given less than ever before. And it makes me ill.

I still don’t believe charters would be a panacea even if they took up their original mission. And I worry about segregating out students with greater needs and not addressing the funding inequalities and racial isolation of these schools and communities, but at least they would not be making things WORSE for the neighborhood schools. I truly believe many charter school teachers and even some leaders think they are doing something good. But I tell you, from where I stand, charter schools are taking part in denying the most fragile children quality education. If only charters could reclaim the mission of helping the kids that need it the most. If only charters weren’t “in competition” for the strongest students and best test scores. If only charters weren’t dividing communities and parents who now need to fight for ever dwindling resources. Perhaps then, in solidarity, all educators and parents—charter and neighborhood alike–could continue the fight together for true equity for ALL children.

Anthony Cody has worked for nearly two decades in the Oakland public schools. He knows what poverty does to children. He knows what hunger and violence do to their lives. He thinks the Gates Foundation should stop pretending that it can end poverty by putting “a great teacher” in every classroom. How will that feed children? How will it end the violence to which so many are exposed? How will it change the terrible conditions in which so many live?

In this post, Anthony Cody brings the facts to light that never figure in the Gates’ plans. Let’s hope that the executives at the foundation pay attention.

It is time for the Gates Foundation to take a risk and prove what they promote.

Instead of scattering its billions around the nation and chanting incantations about great teachers, why doesn’t the Gates Foundation select one school district–say, Oakland or Newark–and use that district to demonstrate its theories for all to see? What we have now is a multi-billion foundation using its clout to spread unproven ideas everywhere. How about evidence before pushing the entire nation’s education system over the edge of a Gates-built cliff?

The corporate reform crowd thinks that fixing schools will fix poverty.

They say that poverty is an excuse for bad teachers.

They think that closing schools where test scores are low will improve education.

They have all kinds of wrong ideas, but wrongest of all is their notion that schools by themselves will fix the social order.

Gary Rubinstein has some interesting thoughts on that subject.

A reader comments on this post:

Poverty is not destiny; it’s policy.

Not long after corporate reform started in New York City, the Department of Education adopted a formula promoted by conservative think tanks called “fair student funding” or “weighted student funding.” The surface idea was that each child would have the money he or she deserved “strapped to his/her back.” (Sorry for the clumsy effort to be gender neutral.) The real purpose, from the point of view of those on the right, was to enable students to go to charter schools or maybe even voucher schools bringing their public dollars with them. After all it was only “fair.”

In New York City, the funding system was designed by Robert Gordon, an economist and reformer who now works for President Obama’s Office of Management and Budget.

A reader in New York City examined how fair student funding was affecting the schools serving the neediest students. The answer: they get a raw deal.

Wouldn’t you think that in an effort to be fair, the DOE would attach MORE funding to students who have the greatest needs? It turns out that they aren’t even getting a fair deal.

The New York State Department of Education has expressed concern about New York City’s pattern of concentrating high needs students in specific schools. New York City has refused to acknowledge the merit of those concerns.  In fact, the leaders of New York City’s schools place all responsibility on individual schools as in this recent story.

Blaming schools and teachers seems to have become the go-to strategy of high-level education bureaucrats. This is one way to avoid personal accountability. All they need to do is “evaluate” schools using standardized exams and manage their “portfolio” of schools using a range of punitive measures. We decided to look at one area where these bureaucrats can’t deny their role in helping schools either ameliorate or worsen the effects of poverty on kids. Namely, how does the New York City Department of Education fund the richest and poorest schools? As can be seen in the charts below these bureaucrats have decided to fund schools in ways that increase these inequities. The richest 10 elementary/middle schools (as measured by the percent of students who are eligible to receive free lunch) receive an average of 89.1% of the funds they are entitled to by the city’s own formula. On the other hand, the poorest 10 schools receive an average of 82.7% of the funds they are entitled to.  The range of values also favors the richest schools. None of them receive less than 86% of their funding formula. Some of the poorest schools, on the other hand, receive 22% less money than they would be entitled to under the city’s “Fair” Student Funding formula. 

Richest Schools

% of Fair Student Funding Actually Received

School Name

% of Students Free Lunch

90.68 Special Music School

3.7%

88.52 P.S. 006 Lillie D. Blake

4.6%

89.34 The Anderson School

4.6%

88.08 P.S. 77 Lower Lab School

5.7%

86.09 P.S. 234 Independence School

6.4%

93.07 P.S. 098 The Douglaston School

6.4%

87.23 P.S. 89

6.7%

90.89 BATTERY PARK CITY SCHOOL

7.4%

88.1 P.S. 041 Greenwich Village

7.9%

89.16 P.S. 290 Manhattan New School

9.3%

 

Poorest Schools

% of Fair Student Funding Actually Received

School Name

% of Students Free Lunch

85.4 P.S. 167 The Parkway

98.9%

79.35 P.S. 199X – The Shakespeare School

99.1%

78.81 P.S. 115 Alexander Humboldt

99.5%

80.14 M.S. 302 Luisa Dessus Cruz

99.6%

102.67 P.S. 034 Franklin D. Roosevelt

99.7%

Closed M.S. 321 – Minerva

100.0%

84.76 P.S. 025 Bilingual School

100.0%

78.57 P.S. 230 Dr Roland N. Patterson

100.0%

78.02 I.S. X303 Leadership & Community Service

100.0%

79.46 P.S. 291

100.0%

 

Perhaps when these bureaucrats announce that “poverty is not destiny” they could explain why they insist on sending poor kids to schools that they have deliberately impoverished through their own decisions. Do they feel that schools with poor kids don’t deserve the same funding as schools with rich kids?