Archives for category: New Jersey

Jersey Jazzman connects the dots about school closings.

Do they close in white neighborhoods? No.

Do they close in affluent neighborhoods? No.

Guess where they close? In high-poverty neighborhoods.

My guess: the white and affluent neighborhoods are next.

The New Jersey Star-Ledger published news of a secret agreement that was leaked to the paper.

The state of New Jersey entered into an agreement with the Broad Foundation to meet the foundation’s demands; the money awarded to the state is available only so long as Governor Chris Christie remains in office.

This suggests that New Jersey has outsourced its education policy to the Los Angeles-based Broad Foundation. The foundation is known for its desire to control its grantees, but the idea of controlling a large northeastern state seems audacious indeed.

A crazy idea, but then the state’s Acting Commissioner of Education Chris Cerf is a graduate of the unaccredited Broad Superintendents Academy, as are a few other of the state’s superintendents.

Remember when we thought that the policies of the public schools were determined by the citizens of the district or the state?

When the CREDO national study of charters was released in 2009, it made huge headlines because it found that only 17% of charters were higher-performing than traditional public schools. The other 83% were either no different or lower performing.

Critics of charters often cite this study because CREDO has impeccable pro-charter credentials. Its leader Margaret (Macke) Raymond is affiliated with the conservative, pro-choice Hoover Institution at Stanford. The study was funded by the pro-choice, pro-charter, pro-voucher Walton Foundation.

When New Jersey Acting Commissioner of Education Chris Cerf released the CREDO study of NJ charters, he pointed out that CREDO was “not part of the bandwagon” promoting charters.

But critics complained that the NJ study left out charters with the lowest performing students and did not show the tiny proportions of ELLs and special education students in the “best” charters.

Now New Jersey mom Darcie Cimarusti weighs in. Cimarusti came to the charter battle only recently, when the state tried to plop a Hebrew language charter school in her district. Darcie became “Mother Crusader” and joined with other parents to fight the charter intrusion into suburban districts like her own. She testified at hearings and writes a blog.

Mother Crusader conducted her own investigation.

She dug into CREDO, its funders, its PR firm, and its staff to argue that it is part of the corporate reform movement.

Contrary to what Cerf said, it is “part of the bandwagon.”

The moral of the story: Don’t mess with Mother Crusader.

 

Julia Sass Rubin, a professor of public policy in New Jersey, took a close look at the CREDO study of charter schools and made a startling discovery: the press release misrepresents the findings of the study.

It recognized the dramatic demographic differences between the students in public schools and in charter schools (“the traditional public schools it looked at served four and a half times as many students with Limited English Proficiency and one and a half times as many special-needs students as did the charter schools”) but ignored the severity of students’ disability or language difficulty.

This is an excerpt from her longer analysis. Rubin wrote:

“The CREDO press release claimed that “New Jersey charter public schools significantly outperform their district school peers.” However, this is not even remotely what the CREDO study found.

“First, the CREDO study looked at only about half of New Jersey’s charter schools (46 out of 86).
Second, the study excluded another quarter of the state’s charter school students (23 percent), particularly those from groups that score lower on standardized test scores (students who have to repeat a grade, students with special needs, and students with limited knowledge of English).
Third, the study did not include students who had left charter schools. This is especially problematic given the significant attrition levels at the highest scoring charter schools, with the most academically challenged students the most likely to leave.

“So what did the CREDO study find about the performance of the remaining students?

“The vast majority of charter school students performed worse or at the same level as students in the traditional public schools from which they came (70 percent lower or same in math and 60 percent lower or same in reading).

“The charter school students who performed better were located almost exclusively in Newark, while charter school students in other cities and rural areas consistently and significantly underperformed their traditional public school peers.

“The charter school students who performed better did so only for their first two years at the charter school, while their third year performance was actually worse than their traditional public school counterparts.

“In other words, the study looked at a limited sample of charter school students, excluding those most likely to be academically challenged, and still found that only a minority of those students outperformed their traditional public school counterparts, and only for some of the years studied.

“Which brings us back to the first question: How can an institution that claims to be academically objective put out a press release that is so misleading about the study’s findings?”

Pedro Noguera, an urban sociologist at New York University, took the lead in crafting a comprehensive plan for education reform in a group of public schools in Newark’s central ward. Modeled on the Harlem Children’s Zone, the Global Village Zone was heralded as thoughtful and bold when it was introduced in 2010. But things went wrong, and Global Village did not survive.

I invited Pedro Noguera to describe what happened. He generously responded.

The End of the Global Village

In the fall of 2009, I was invited by an organization called America’s Promise Alliance, associated with General Colin Powell’s national anti-dropout initiative, to deliver a keynote address in Newark, NJ on how to prevent and reduce the dropout rate. In my address took the position then as I do now, that genuine and sustainable progress could only be achieved if a systemic approach were taken, one that addressed the social and economic roots of the problem and strengthened the capacity of schools to meet student needs.

To my surprise, Governor Jon Corzine, who had spoken just before I took the stage, stayed for my entire presentation. Afterwards, he leaned over and said “we need to talk”. During the break he told me that he was interested in taking the approach I described statewide because several districts were in need of major changes. I told him that it would be better to start with one district that could serve as a pilot, and that if we made progress, the strategy could be applied elsewhere. We both agreed that Newark would be the logical place to undertake this work because it was led by an energetic mayor, Cory Booker, who cared deeply about education, and the district had just hired a new superintendent, Clifford Janey, who had a reputation for innovation.

Conversations ensued shortly after that initial discussion, at first primarily involving state officials from the Attorney General’s Office, the Commissioner of Education, and the Governor’s office. Early on we were able to enlist support from the Ford Foundation, which liked the approach we proposed to take, and agreed to serve as the lead funder of the initiative. After a short time we got support from a wide variety of local agencies and funders, including the Prudential, Victoria and Shulman Foundations. We also received the blessing of Mayor Booker who, though an ardent advocate of charter schools, recognized the benefit that would be obtained if we succeeded in improving public schools.

The strategy we envisioned drew on many of the tenets associated with a larger national initiative called the Broader and Bolder Approach (BBA) (www.broaderandbolderapproach.com). I was one of three national co-chairs associated with BBA (Helen Ladd, a professor of Economics at Duke University and Tom Payzant, the former Superintendent of Boston, were the other co-chairs), and thought of the project in Newark as a way to demonstrate and reinforce the national policy advocacy work of BBA. Drawing on the resources and expertise of the Metropolitan Center for Urban Education at New York University (I am the Executive Director of the center), BBA began working in the spring of 2010 to implement a school reform strategy that would place issues like expanded access to early childhood education, health care, community engagement and extended learning opportunities at the center of the work. Our hope was that we could transform teaching and learning within schools while simultaneously addressing the external conditions related to poverty – poor health and nutrition, crime, housing instability, etc., that often undermine reform efforts.

After some preliminary meetings with Dr. Janey, it was decided that seven schools in Newark’s central ward would be selected for the pilot. Re-named the Global Village Zone (GVZ), the project sought to adopt some of the strategies utilized by the Harlem Children’s Zone, the Children’s Aid Society and the Comer Model (pre-school, extended learning opportunities, expanded access to healthcare, etc.) and include a concerted effort to engage and organize parents. We also envisioned that over time career academies would be developed that would provide students with training in fields where we anticipated jobs would be available such as energy conservation and healthcare. Unlike the Harlem Children’s Zone, the GVZ would focus on improving public schools (HCZ sponsors two charter schools) and rely largely on public resources to insure sustainability.

For the next three years, we worked assiduously at building the GVZ infrastructure and improve the schools. It wasn’t easy. We were under staffed and were working with seven schools that had a long record of under-performance. We took on several of the functions normally carried out by district officials such as providing professional development for teachers and administrators, and conducting workshops for parents. Nonetheless, with a small staff headed by Dr. Lauren Wells, we accomplished a great deal. We signed an agreement with the Newark Teachers Union to allow for a longer school day, we implemented a free book drive to insure that children had access to reading material over the summer, we held summer institutes for staff on instructional leadership, and gradually began to create the zone we had envisioned. Despite our limitations, we had an enormous amount of buy-in and support from the leadership and staff of the seven schools, the parents and the broader community. Our greatest progress was achieved at Central High School, which in the spring of 2010 had been designated chronically under-performing by the State of New Jersey and received a School Improvement Grant to support turnaround efforts (SIG). After its first year, student test scores in language arts increased 32.5% and 25% in math. State officials told us that the progress being achieved at the school under the leadership of Ras Baraka the principal, was unmatched by any other turn around school in the state (http://www.nj.com/news/index.ssf/2011/06/newarks_central_high_school_se.html).

In January of 2011 we learned that Clifford Janey’s contract would not be renewed and a search for a new superintendent was launched soon thereafter. Cami Anderson, an educator whom I knew and supported based on her work with some of the most disadvantaged schools in New York City, was named the new superintendent in May of 2011. Though she and I had spoken on the telephone prior to her appointment about Newark’s schools, after her appointment our contact was minimal, and we only met in person on only one occasion. It’s not clear that she ever fully understood what the Global Village Zone was or what we were trying to accomplish. In the spring of 2012 she announced a major overhaul of the school district that would result in the closure of several under-enrolled, low performing schools, three of which were located in the central ward. She did this before approximately 1,000 parents in a large auditorium at Rutgers University, and after making her announcement, exited out the back door without taking any questions from those assembled.

With so much change underway and with a growing recognition that the BBA work with the Global Village Zone needed to be aligned with the district’s goals, we applied to become an Education Management Organization (EMO) in the hope that this would provide us with the funding and district level support we needed to carry out our work. Following Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg’s donation of 100 million dollrs to support school reform in Newark, there was considerably more private money available for school improvement. We hoped that with district support we might gain access to some of these resources in the central ward. However, our proposal was rejected twice based on concerns that we lacked the capacity to carry out the work we proposed to do. At this point our funders were becoming increasingly concerned that the GVZ could not be viable if the district did not support its goals. With great reluctance, we decided to suspend our work with the GVZ schools because we lacked the resources to continue and because it was clear that the district did not support our efforts.

I am reluctant to say that the BBA work is dead. In all likelihood, a new superintendent will come to Newark in the not too distant future and perhaps the next leader will be more inclined to resume the work we began. I am especially reluctant to say that the work is over because we raised the hopes of so many parents who embraced our vision, supported our efforts to take a holistic approach to reform and who now feel bitterly disappointed. Newark is a city where unfulfilled promises have been a constant for many years. I hate BBA and the Global Village Zone being seen as yet another example of raised expectations that failed to materialize.

I accept part of the blame for the suspension of our work. Early on we created an advisory board comprised of civic leaders from Newark for the explicit purpose of insuring that our work would be protected because it was supported by a broad array of stakeholders. I am not a novice at this type of work; I knew from experience that political instability frequently undermines good work in urban schools. Janey had served as the ex-officio chair of the advisory board. When he left we hoped Anderson would take on the role but she was not interested in it. We should have asked someone else to take on the role such as a respected clergyman or community leader. In retrospect, a strong board might have provided us with the political support we needed to keep our work in the Central Ward going.

It is also true that BBA was based at New York University, and though we hired staff from Newark, including Lauren Wells the project director, we were still outsiders from New York City. Ideally, the work should have been led by a local non-profit based in Newark. We realized this and even tried to create one because none existed. This is one of the reasons why I believe we were unsuccessful in our attempt to secure a planning grant from the federal government’s Promise Neighborhood initiative.

However, I still believe that the plan we developed and the vision we organized the schools and parents around is one that had a good chance of succeeding, if we could have stayed with it long enough. Several communities across the country are now engaged in similar work that can be described as a more integrated and holistic approach to school reform. It’s taking place in the Dudley neighborhood of Boston, the Morningside neighborhood of Fort Worth, TX, in Tulsa, OK, in East Durham, NC and Camden, NJ. I know about this work because I know the people doing the work, and I am frequently called upon to provide advice and support. What impresses me most about this work is that even without federal funding or the support of hedge fund managers, these local actors are moving forward to support their schools by creating partnerships with non-profits, universities and hospitals to address the needs of children that schools lack the resources to respond to on their own.

These communities are not waiting the right superintendent to be appointed or the right governor to be elected. They are taking action now because their children can’t afford to wait.

That is no less true in Newark today, and even if the current leadership does not embrace this approach I remain certain that there are leaders and activists in Newark that do. The Newark public schools have been under state control for seventeen years, and despite all the talk of accountability from Governor Christie and his Commissioner Chris Cerf, there has been no accountability on the state of New Jersey, which has not delivered a better education to the children of Newark during the period that it has ostensibly been in charge. Eventually, I believe the people of Newark will come forward to take control of their schools and their children’s futures. When that happens we will be ready to resume our work.

Did the Global Village School Zone in Newark have a chance?

Did it get enough time?

Did it spend enough money?

Does Superintendent Cami Anderson have better ideas?

Doesn’t reform take time?

Stay tuned.

Jersey Jazzman describes Race to the Top as “segregation gone wild.”

Strangely enough, the districts that applied for RTTT cash and mandates are mostly poor and minority.

Wonder if they know that none of the federal “remedies” has ever worked?

Wonder if they know their district is likely to spend more on implementing the mandates than the money it “wins”?

Count on Jersey Jazzman to catch the flaw in the CREDO study of charters in his home state.

It purports to study schools but in fact it compares matched students, not taking into account the peer effects.

Like, if you go to a school that has weeded out or excluded the troublemakers, you learn more. Where do we go with that?

Bruce Baker here analyzes the new CREDO report on charter schools in New Jersey.

Charters in Newark outperform district schools, and Baker explains the secrets of their success.

Outside of Newark, charters were no different from public schools.

Herbert Michael writes that the recently approved Newark teachers’ contract accepts the corporate reformers’ ideas but that it uses the wrong model. Why not change urban schools to look like the schools where the leaders of the corporate reform movement send their own children?

He says:

“Despite the specious claims made by corporate financed education “reformers” claiming
that teacher “performance is our schools’ central problem, the real problem is the failure of our political classes to learn from schools that are effective. The model for effective schools are the ones they send their children to, private schools.

Those children are in small classes 12-16, usually managed by a teacher and teacher assistant. Social services and counseling are available in depth, right in the building (though their parents can afford it on their own).

Private tutoring, real science labs and respect for the students by Administration and security staff contrasts from the zero tolerance and near criminalization of public school security screenings and metal detectors.

Newark’s new teacher’s contract addresses none of these things. Instead it takes the a assumptions of the “corporate reformers” and accepts them a priori. This is a grave error. The new contract creates a merit system that will divide teachers, a two-tier wage system and an evaluation program based on standardized testing.

Over the last few years I have witnessed a steep decline in the morale of excellent teachers. Our “performance” has been confused with the inevitable outcome of increasing inequality in the U.S. Increasing numbers of teachers feel afraid to speak freely and teach creatively ( because of the assault on Teacher Unions ) as Charter schools actually eliminate Union jobs.

Some people would argue that the 600 billion dollars spent each year on public education is the prize the corporate world and Charter advocates seek by demonizing public education. I am sure that’s true but I would argue that our teachers and their students are really victims of a shell game. The goal of that game appears to be to hold political leaders and School Officials harmless for school failures. At the same time, they withhold the solution, making the schools for working-class children in Newark more like those in the private schools.”