Archives for category: Administrators, superintendents

A bit over a year ago, I wrote about the arrival of a new superintendent in Dallas. Mike Miles is a man with a military background who is a graduate of the unaccredited Broad Superintendents Academy. What could go wrong?

He had a long list of goals, for example:

“By 2020, he says, the graduation rate will be up to 90% from the 2010 rate of 75%.

By 2020, SAT scores will jump by 30%, and 60% of students will achieve at least a 21 on the ACT.

80% of students will be workplace ready, as determined by assessments created by the business and nonprofit communities.

He will create a new leadership academy to train principals in one year, based on what sounds like NYC’s unsuccessful one.

Teachers will be observed up to ten times a year, and these observations will factor into a pay-for-performance plan.

All classroom doors must be open all the times. so that teachers may be observed at any time, without warning.

Principals will have one year “to demonstrate that they have the capacity and what it takes to lead change and to improve the quality of instruction.”

Miles did not say how he intends to measure whether principals have this capacity.

By August 2015:

“At least 75 percent of the staff and 70 percent of community members agree or strongly agree with the direction of the district.

At least 80 percent of all classroom teachers and 100 percent of principals are placed on a pay-for-performance evaluation system.At least 60 percent of teachers on the pay-for-performance evaluation system and 75 percent of principals agree that the system is “fair, accurate and rigorous.”

But things did go wrong.

A reader sent this commentary. If you live in Dallas and you have a different perspective, let me know.

The reader writes:

A year later, and what has Dallas seen?

1. Bloodletting has extended to principals. Board formally fired two principals, both popular with teachers and students.

2. Board no longer supports Miles. Budget meetings last week were nasty. Board was very unhappy with $4 million spent for a “principals academy.” Board members realize that their favorite principals are in Miles’s crosshairs, and they realize there is probably no good reason for that.

3. Miles’s staff has been wracked with dissent. His hand-picked “cabinet” of seven or eight top aides has fallen apart, with some positions turning over three times in a year, with experienced and respected pro administrators leaving abruptly, and with one indicted in the Atlanta cheating scandals. The TFA hire hasn’t worked out.

4. Texas has turned on teachers AND administrators.

5. Dallas ISD has what looks like zero swat in Austin, with the legislature refusing to restore death-dealing cuts to education from a year ago.

6. Test results and fair measures of student performance seem to have stalled.

7. Summer school had to scale back. Teachers refused to work for extra money because they fear arbitrary evaluations, which continue during summer school classes.

If there is a single, clear educational advance in Dallas, can someone point it out to us?

Alas, our wishes of good luck were all the teachers got.

This is a surprise.

Rudy Crew, former chancellor of the New York City public schools, former superintendent of the Miami Dade schools, currently chief education officer of the state of Oregon, will return to New York City to assume the presidency of Medger Evers College in Brooklyn, which is part of the City University of New York system.

New York State Commissioner of Education will speak at the graduation ceremonies of a charter school in Syracuse affiliated with the Gulen network. King himself came out of the charter sector, so his favoritism towards charters is not surprising.

The Gulen network is the largest charter chain in the nation. It is allied with a reclusive Turkish imam who lives in the Poconos in Pennsylvania yet wields political power in Turkey.

Critics were quick to question King’s decision. Gulen charters are usually distinguished by an all-male, all-Turkish board of directors. Many of their teachers are imported from Turkey. Some Gulen charters exclude students with special needs.

In some states that are besotted with accountability, the policy leaders are convinced that students will do better if the tests get harder every year.

Florida and Texas immediately come to mind.

Would basketball players get better if the basket were raised 6″ every year? Would football players score more points if the goal posts got moved back 5 yards every year?

But that is what is happening in Florida right now.

The state announced that it was changing the scoring. If a school performed better on the FCAT, the state test, it might get a lower grade because the cut scores were going to be moved up.

The state superintendents complained, and said this was not fair.

But Jeb Bush’s organization, the Foundation for Educational Excellence, quickly responded with a letter saying that it was necessary to keep raising the bar.

Imagine how discouraging that is for students and teachers, when their successes quickly turn to failure because of a political decision.

Superintendents fear A-to-F grades will drop, ask State Board to make changes to formula

Leslie Postal

7:13 p.m. EDT, June 10, 2013
Florida’s school superintendents are worried that despite better scores on some state tests, public schools will see their annual A-to-F grades fall in 2013. They want the State Board of Education to “mitigate” that predicated fallout by altering the tougher school grading formula it adopted last year, according to a letter their association sent last week.
The letter from Wally Cox, the president of the Florida Association of District School Superintendents, detailed several worries about the 2012 grading changes, some of which won’t be fully implemented until this year.
“Even though many of our schools posted substantial increases in their 2013 test scores, their School Performance grades are likely to drop,” wrote Cox, superintendent of Highlands County schools, in a letter to Chairman Gary Chartrand.
The lower grades, he added, will be the results of an “ever-changing” grading system, rather than lower test scores.
“The ever-changing nature of the School Performance Grading formula and its resulting outcomes continue to confuse the public and further erode trust in the state’s accountability system,” the letter said.


The superintendents made several suggestions, including keeping a rule that no school’s grade can drop by more than one letter grade a year. That rule was in effect in 2012 but was adopted as one-year-only regulation meant to give schools time to adust to the tougher grading.
They also suggested that FCAT writing scores not be judged on stricter standard this year, as the formula requires.
The Florida Department of Education could not immediately say late Monday if Chartrand, or Education Commissioner Tony Bennett (who was sent a copy), had responded to the letter.
Bennett has said he expected school grades to drop because of the more rigorous grading formula in place for this year.

Jeb Bush’s group tells State Board to stay the course, stick with tougher school grading

Leslie Postal

7:57 p.m. EDT, June 10, 2013
Jeb Bush‘s influential education foundation, after getting word about the superintendents’ recent request for school-grade relief, sent a letter of its own to the State Board of Education today. The Foundation for Florida’s Future urged the board to stay the course and stick with tougher grading as a way to increase “student learning and success.”
The letter by Patricia Levesque, the foundation’s executive director, said Florida has had success boosting student achievement by repeatedly and “deliberately increasing requirements and expectations.”
The foundation noted Florida has ratcheted up the A-to-F grading formula several times before — and each time, after an initial drop in grades, schools have then earned better marks.
The group expects the same will happen now, if the board keeps the stricter formula in place.
“The Foundation asks you to remain strong and consistent on school accountability by moving forward with the rules that were in place when the school year started — the rules the superintendents knew they needed to play by during this past school year,” Levesque wrote.
A bit to add at 8:08 PM June 10, 2013

It is pretty tough to explain to third graders that their school increased its performance but the grade dropped. It is also difficult to explain to the public that the grades reflect a political curve. Will be interesting to see if Gov. Scott agrees with the Superintendents or the former Governer. OCPS tells the story by noting the highest performing schools and those with the greatest improvement. Never do educators send mixed signals to kids and expect that the following year the students will work as hard. Consistently high expectations and never unattainable moving targets.

 

The Rhode Island state board of education will vote today on whether to renew Deborah Gist’s contract as State Commissioner of Education.

It seems likely she will be reappointed since Governor Lincoln Chafee favors her, as does the new chair of the state board.

Rhode Island teachers don’t like her.

In a poll, 85% said they opposed her reappointment.

Rhode Island students have opposed Gist’s insistence on high-stakes testing, especially her use of a standardized test (NECAP) as a requirement for high school graduation.

A few days ago, Arne Duncan placed a conference call to several journalists to let them know that he supports her.

For the Secretary of Education to inject himself into state or local politics is unusual, though not for Arne Duncan.

When mayoral control in New York City was up for renewal before the state legislature in New York in 2009, Duncan called a major civic group and urged it not to propose that members of the central board serve for a set term, with a measure of independence; he agreed with Mayor Bloomberg that board members appointed by the mayor should serve at the pleasure of the mayor.

Duncan succeeded in stopping that small-gauge effort to create a semblance of checks and balances in New York City.

Curious alliances these days: Gist is a member of Jeb Bush’s ultra-conservative Chiefs for Change, and she has the support of Duncan and charter advocates, but not the teachers she leads or the activist students in the public schools.

 

There are times when reality is zanier than satire.

Read about Douglas County, Colorado, where choice fanatics run the district.

They want students and families to choose schools the way you choose a color for your car or a brand of cereal.

In other words, they don’t believe in public education.

They don’t believe in the democratic ideal of common schooling, where children from many backgrounds learn together. They believe in consumerism.

Two members of the honor roll–both thoughtful, dedicated educators–disagree about Néw York’s plan to evaluate educators, in this case principals.

Carol Burris, the principal of South Side High School in Rockville Center, was selected by her colleagues as principal of the year in Néw York. Mike McGill is superintendent of schools in Scarsdale, one of the state’s most affluent and excellent districts.

I honored Carol in the past for leading the fight against the state’s ill-considered test-based evaluation plan. I honored Mike for his stalwart opposition to the state’s demand to make testing the centerpiece of its vision and for his vision of what good education is.

Here, Mike takes issue with Carol’s critique of the state plan to evaluate principals. He thinks she didn’t go far enough in resisting a mindless technocratic bureaucracy bent in stamping out the last vestige of professionalism and independent thought.

Mike McGill writes:

Why the New York Value-Added Measure of Principals is Flawed (Part II)

New York Principal of the Year Carol Burris has been pushing back against the misuse of metrics in teacher evaluation. Now, in a letter to the Board of Regents, she’s taken on the Value-added Method (VAM) that’s being used to calculate 25 percent of principals’ performance rating.

I have concerns about the state’s approach as well, but I have to admit that I feel a bit ambivalent about her going public with hers. More on that in a minute.

Ms. Burris is concerned that Albany is going to measure principals on an uneven field. She says their scores will be calculated unfairly: Individuals’ ratings will reflect the performance of very different student populations that take different tests whose rigor differs.

She also worries about unintended consequences. Will schools advise students to avoid more challenging courses so their scores will be better?

Will they drop distinctive local programs so more students can take more state tests, so principals will have a better chance of getting better scores? Will principals in troubled schools leave and go where student populations are more stable, problems are fewer, and results better?

I’m not sure which unhappy outcomes are most likely, but I can’t imagine that the state’s plan will be especially productive in the end.

So why am I ambivalent about Ms. Burris’s message? It’s a matter of being careful about what you wish for.

Having observed the Albany mindset in action over the years, I find my own thoughts eliding quickly to another unintended consequence.

If, as Ms. Burris says, inconsistent measurement is the problem, there’s an easy solution. To be sure all principals are rated the same way, we could just make sure all schools in the state offer exactly the same program so that all kids take exactly the same tests.

Evaluation will drive instruction with even more of a vengeance.

The approach would be a little extreme, and to be fair, even our friends upstate might not want to go that far. Still, the technocratic impulse is to see complex difficulties as technical problems and then to solve them with mechanical fixes. And where schools are concerned, that impulse can lead to places nobody should want to venture, at least if he or she is interested in an innovative and distinctive education. More regimentation isn’t a prescription for excellence.

Okay. My comment about being ambivalent was a little tongue-in-cheek. But my experience here in the self-proclaimed “State of Learning” does give me pause. So just in case it might sound as if there’s a simple technical solution to the problems in Albany’s evaluation plan, let me offer four other reasons there isn’t.

One: VAM is supposed to compensate for the fact that different teachers or principals serve different populations.

So, for example, it compares those who work primarily with English Language Learners with others who do too. But VAM doesn’t distinguish among many other less obvious conditions that influence children’s learning. So in theory, it may level the playing field for people who work with different populations. In the real world, it doesn’t necessarily.

Two: Mathematical models can identify individuals whose students have progressed more or less on state tests. But that doesn’t mean that the student “output” can be attributed primarily to a particular person’s “input” in any particular case. The preponderance of research continues to indicate that statistical bias and random “noise” in the data skew VAM calculations and make them unreliable. We also know from experience that VAM results are unstable; for no evident reason, someone who’s a “high performer” this year may be a “low performer” next.

Three: Principals can’t control students’ or teachers’ actions tightly enough to be directly accountable for state test scores. For example, what if a new principal’s faculty is full of internal tensions, veterans are burned out or a significant number of students see school as irrelevant? She can’t unilaterally change work rules or conditions. She can’t fire tenured people for being apathetic. She has to work with the students she has. Realistically, how accountable can she be for achieving good VAM results, especially if she’s only been in the school for a short time?

Four: Value-added is only part of the state’s evaluation formula. A lot of the rest of a principal’s score depends on observations and other evidence. Supervisors are supposed to use objective criteria to score this evidence. (“The principal can express an educational vision. The principal holds meetings where he shares his vision,” for example.) Unhappily, however, this approach de-emphasizes capacities like the ability to use good judgment or to work well with people. Those qualities elude statistical measurement, must be judged subjectively, and don’t fit the evaluation model very well. Of course, they’re also among the most important things effective leaders do in the real world.

Those are four reasonable concerns about the premises underlying the state’s principal evaluation scheme.

But will anyone in Albany care?
In the world of education today, policy makers and practitioners stare at one another across a broad divide.

Basically, they’re working from different systems of belief. Many out here in the field say the theory that drives current policy is disconnected from reality. Our counterparts in state capitals and Washington tell us they know best and that we’ll just have to stay the course.

The way out of this unproductive tableau is through authentic dialogue. But that means those in the seats of power must want to listen.

Jim Morgan writes about the NECAP, the New England Comprehensive Assessment Program that RI Commissioner Gist defends and the Providence Student Union oppose, and reflects on the tragedy of Central Falls High School, which Superintendent Frances Gallo and State Commissioner Deborah Gist threatened to close in 2010:

“I teach in a district adjacent to Central Falls. CFHS has always been a school with excellent teachers trying their best to help an economically underprivileged ELL population of students to do their best. What Gist and Gallo did to those educators and their students is a travesty that will never be forgotten or forgiven in Rhode Island.

“CFHS’s test scores are always at or near the bottom of NECAP rankings. Most of the kids there are poor, many miss a great deal of school travelling back and forth between Rhode Island and other places such as Puerto Rico and Columbia, and speak English as a second language.

“The NECAP school rankings in RI mirror socio-economic rank almost perfectly, with Central Falls, the two Pawtucket high schools and the three non-magnet Providence high schools always at the bottom. The wealthy communities of Barrington and East Greenwich, and the Providence magnet school Classical–and the newspapers never bother to explain that Classical is a selective magnet school–are always at the top. To be a good teacher in RI, according to the powers that be, is to be hired by a wealthy district.

“I’m not sure how CFHS is doing. I hope students and teachers there are recovering from the damage inflicted on them in the name of politics.”

Forgive all the acronyms but that is the way that headlines work.

The School Superintendents Association wrote a strong letter to Senator Tom Harkin about the reauthorization of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, the basic federal legislation for elementary and secondary education, which is currently known as No Child Left Behind.

NCLB is generally recognized to be a disaster. The best evidence of its failure is the ever louder cries for “reform.” If NCLB had worked, why would we need more and more reforming, using the same failed methods?

AASA does not have kind words for Race to the Top and urges Congress not to codify it into law.

The AASA clears away the legislative debris, recognizes the over-reach of the federal Department of Education, recommends the removal of the claptrap associated with NCLB, and urges the restoration of a healthy federalism, with a balance of powers among federal, state, and local authorities.

A welcome dose of reality.

If you read State Superintendent Deborah Gist’s description of K-12 education in Rhode Island, you got a pretty upbeat assessment.

Tom Sgouros, her most persistent critic, sees a different story.

He sees a state wedded to high stakes testing and unable to look beyond the testing regime.