Robert Hubbell is outraged by the Supreme Court’s latest decision regarding the insurrection clause (Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment). The conservative majority on the Court usually claim to be “originalists” who scrutinize the language in the Constitution and divine the intent of those who wrote it.
In this case, the language was crystal clear. Any officer of the federal government who swore an oath to defend the Constitution and then participated in an insurrection against the Constitution was disqualified from running again for office. But the majority said that the official who had engaged in insurrection must first be subject to a Congressional vote; that language is not in the Constitution although there is specific language about the vote needed to remove the disqualification.
Hubbell was furious that Clarence Thomas was allowed to vote in this case since his wife was an active participant in the plot to overturn the election. He should have recused himself but that would require an ethical compass that the justice lacks.
Here is an excerpt from Hubbell’s post. You should open the link and read it in full.
He writes:
The most important lesson from Monday’s disqualification ruling is that the Supreme Court is broken beyond repair. The reactionary majority made that fact abundantly clear by unilaterally amending the Constitution to remove the Insurrection Clause from the 14th Amendment.
Those sworn to protect the Constitution are dismantling it. The protectors of the Constitution have become its adversary in order to protect a failed insurrectionist who has promised a second effort to overthrow the Constitution. (“I said I want to be a dictator for one day.”)
There are many reasons to ensure that Donald Trump is not elected to the presidency in 2024. Rehabilitating and reforming the Court is chief among them. Sadly, reforming the Court is below the radar for most voters. But the lawless reactionary majority has already denied women the full protection of the liberty clause of the 14th amendment; it is refusing to enforce the clear intent of the 14th to ensure that descendants of enslaved people have a meaningful right to vote and equal protection under law. And the logical force of the Dobbs opinion strongly suggests that the Court will withdraw existing protections for same-sex marriage, contraception, and “inter-racial” marriages.
Monday’s opinion is a clear warning to all Americans that the threat to their liberties is immediate and real. Those who seek to protect existing liberties (and reclaim those already abrogated Court) must vote as if their freedoms depend on the outcome of the 2024 election—because they do!
The Court has abandoned the Constitution; the last line of defense is the American people exercising their most fundamental right—the right to elect their representatives, who can (in turn) enlarge the Court and limit its jurisdiction.
There is abundant evidence that many Americans are not inspired by either presidential candidate or feel betrayed, forgotten, or ignored by the political process. But one candidate will seek to defend their freedoms by preserving and enforcing the Constitution (in part, by reforming the Court). The other has promised to overturn the Constitution “for one day”—which means “overturn the Constitution” period. The duration of a suspension of the Constitution is irrelevant.
Feelings of anger and upset over Monday’s ruling are understandable and warranted. But the most appropriate response is to redouble our efforts to defeat Trump. Nothing else matters. If we achieve that goal, we can work to advance all other goals. If we do not, we will be at the mercy of a renegade majority on the Court and an out-of-control, aspiring dictator for four years.
What happened?
On Monday, the Court overruled the Colorado Supreme Court’s decision removing Trump from the Colorado primary ballot. The opinion is here: 23-719 Trump v. Anderson (03/04/2024).
The ruling was ostensibly 9-0 with three justices writing a concurring opinion that reads like a dissent and a concurrence by Amy Coney Barrett that criticized the overreach of reactionary majority. In fact, as explained below, the ruling was 5-4, meaning that Justice Thomas’s refusal to recuse himself (as required by statute and rule) was outcome-determinative. Justice Thomas’s corruption saved Donald Trump’s slot on the Colorado ballot.
Distilled to its essence, the US Supreme Court’s ruling in Trump v. Anderson removed the Insurrection Clause from Section 3 of the 14th Amendment.
How did the Court effectively remove the Insurrection Clause from the 14th Amendment?
The 14th Amendment creates a self-executing disqualification for insurrectionists who previously took an oath to support the Constitution. The self-executing nature of that disqualification is consistent with other provisions of the 14th Amendment (equal protection, due process) that are likewise self-executing—as are other qualifications on the presidency (such as age, citizenship, and tenure of residency in the US).
Despite the plain language of the 14th Amendment—which creates a bar to holding federal office based on the conduct of the insurrectionist standing alone—the Court ruled that the Insurrection Clause is ineffective unless Congress affirmatively passes legislation that conforms to narrow prescriptions of the Court’s opinion in Trump v. Anderson.
The reactionary majority ignores that Section 3 of the 14th Amendment speaks to the role of Congress in enforcing the Insurrection Clause. It says that Congress can remove an insurrectionist’s disqualification by a two-thirds vote. But under the Court’s ruling in Trump v. Anderson, Congress can prevent any disqualifications of insurrectionists by simply refusing to pass the enabling legislation prescribed by the reactionary majority.
As Justice Sotomayor wrote in her concurring opinion,
It is hard to understand why the Constitution would require a congressional supermajority to remove a disqualification if a simple majority could nullify Section 3’s operation by . . . declining to pass implementing legislation.
As George Conway noted on Monday on MSNBC, the reactionary majority arrived at its conclusion by simply ignoring the language of the Constitution. The reactionary majority regularly uses the text of the Constitution as a cudgel when they want to deny liberties embraced by the language of the Constitution. But when they seek to ensure that a failed insurrectionist and aspiring dictator remains on the ballot, they act as if the text of the Constitution does not exist.
A reader wrote to me after the issuance of the opinion and asked, “What can we do?” My answer is this:
Elect Democrats. Reform the Court. Defend the Constitution. Preserve Democracy.

How would voting have changed anything if the decision was unanimous?
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It could have changed whether the court went beyond the narrow holding that states cannot enforce Section 3 to decide what entities can enforce it. Hubble dishonestly (or just stupidly, but more likely dishonestly) says it would have changed whether Trump remained on the ballot in Colorado.
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No, the ruling was 9-0. Every single justice agreed that Colorado did not have the authority to remove Trump from the ballot and that the Colorado Supreme Court’s decision should be reversed. There is no disputing that and the urge to somehow blame this decision on the conservative majority is weird.
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It’s weird that anyone would think the Supreme Court’s decision was ONLY a narrow 9-0 decision to put Trump back on the ballot, and missed the rest of the ruling that is now the law of the land and wasn’t a 9-0 decision.
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The Justices unanimously reversed the Colorado Supreme Court. Five justices also found that federal legislation is the only vehicle through which Section 3 may be enforced. Four justices did not think it was necessary to decide the issue of how Section 3 may be enforced.
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“federal legislation is the only vehicle through which Section 3 may be enforced.”
I’d laugh at the irony here, if I found the neo-fascist spurning of the Constitution and the pre-fascist to be funny. But thanks for normalizing that!
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Sorry, I don’t understand. Did I improperly “normalize” something there? I believe I simply gave an accurate description of the holding of the per curiam opinion.
It’s such a shame WordPress doesn’t have a “block” feature like Twitter or Reddit.
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flerp!,
Diane allows us to comment.
If you are going to write:
“the urge to somehow blame this decision on the conservative majority is weird.”
Why do you object to someone challenging you?
I don’t think Robert Hubbell is “weird” and I don’t think that Diane Ravitch believes Robert Hubbell is “weird”. You have every right to believe that something that Robert Hubbell is “weird”, but why do you get so angry if I challenge that? That’s “weird”.
But I am done. Please do not reply again as this conversation is over.
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^^^typo:
You have every right to believe that something that Robert Hubbell believes is “weird”, but why do you get so angry if I challenge that? That’s “weird”.
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Let’s say the House votes to impeach Biden, they currently have the votes, Texas governor Abbot rules an impeached presidential candidate can’t appear on the ballot, basically Kagan, Sotomayer and Jackson joined the majority to avoid chaos
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The Constitution doesn’t say an impeached candidate can’t appear on the ballot, so if Texas did that, it would be blatantly partisan and wrong.
The Constitution DOES say that insurrectionists can’t be on the ballot.
If Biden incites insurrection right in front of our eyes, and Texas keeps him off the ballot, they would be doing the right thing.
And I am positive the right wing Supreme Court would agree.
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Peter,
I agree that red states would vindictively take Biden off the ballot if they could, but your example doesn’t work. If an impeached presidential candidate can’t run, both Trump and Biden would be off the ballot. Texas would have to pass a law like, “any candidate who has a son named Hunter Biden..” or “any candidate over the age of 80.”
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The fear is that Texas would use the border as evidence of insurrection, as crazy as that is, against the government for not “enforcing” immigration law. Given the recent behavior of this court, I’m not sure they wouldn’t kick this can down the road allowing the legislation to stand should Colorado’s ruling have stood.
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The Republicans subverted the constitution in the pardoning of Richard Nixon after watergate, in the pardoning of the Iran-Contra participants after Bush I became president. Who doubts that a President Trump will pardon all who committed malfeasance in his administration, including himself and his crime family. Who doubts that this Court, like the one in 2000, will not rule so there is a possibility that this can happen again. They are dragging their feet on immunity when it was an easy decision to reject immunity as a silly idea. This vote was inevitable, but where is the court in its discussion of the obvious need to deny Trump nationally?
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This is what the 2016 vote got us. A Supreme Court who bends over backward to help elect those who spurn democracy.
This decision is clearly about the conservative majority. They have bent over backward to delay Trump being tried, and then THE CONSERVATIVE MAJORITY (and not the entire Supreme Court) decided that the Constitution rules no longer apply and this power rests solely in the hands of a popularly-elected Congress.
Next, the far right justices will decide that whether or not Trump can shoot someone on Fifth Avenue and get a pat on the back rests entirely in the hands of Congress.
The Constitution wasn’t a document to simply protect “majority rule” – it was to protect the rights of the minority under the majority. That pact, that those out of power had a level playing field to gain power, has been turned on its head.
One party is bends overboard to play by the rules (which is why the 3 justices were willing to join the 9-0 decision to put Trump back on the ballot), while the other 6 make up whatever rules keeps them in power (which is why the majority just turned the Constitution into a joke over to the Republican party).
What we know is that if Democrats had a huge majority in Congress, this right wing Supreme Court would not have made this decision.
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Should the Democrats win the Congress and the White House, the constitutional battle with this Supreme Court will be inevitable. It will be a battle for supremacy, not balance.
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Paul: You seem to be assuming that, in post election times, and if Biden wins, that all will go back to normal. My guess is that the goons are preparing a freight train, a set of firehoses, and in the end, a field full of nooses to unleash on the entire country. CBK
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I don’t think acknowledging a a Constitutional conflict between Democrats and the Supreme Court is a description of “going back to normal.” I am not confident that Democrats will propose meaningful judicial reform that will correct current corporate bias that holds onto this Supreme Court.
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Hello Paul: I’m thinking that, if Trump wins or doesn’t win, chaos will reign after the election, just in different forms and timelines. On that score, the idea that anything will be normative that concerns “democrats and the Courts” after the election is . . . well . . . you know. CBK
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Marcy Wheeler on the excreble NYT coverage of this:
“Not only did NYT spend 1,500 words both sidesing the SCOTUS ruling w/o explaining WHY he would be excluded, they don’t bother to ask pols about whether Trump was wrong to interfere in the election in 2020.”
Polls show that there is a significant decline in Americans who believe that Trump did anything wrong.
When polls show that more voters are positive that Fani Willis did something illegal, but fewer voters believe Trump did, then something about our news coverage is very, very warped.
Don’t believe your lying eyes. Believe the innuendo we present as truth, and the truth we present as merely one side of two equally valid sides.
I am positive that polls of Russian voters would show that they believe Navalny was a criminal. They certainly show Putin is wildly popular – as popular with all Russians as Trump is popular with all Republicans.
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Who trusts Russian polls?
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Exactly. But it is certainly possible to manufacture consent by using polls to legitimize and normalize fascism and authoritarianism.
When you are told over and over again that everyone else “knows” this is true, you start to believe it. Or you start to believe that saying anything other than “what everyone else believes” is unnecessary. Easier to go along with the crowd and rationalize it. Much easier than outrage.
Or standing up for truth and at the very least, being the object of ridicule, and at the worst, suffering harm to yourself or loved ones.
The Emperor’s New Clothes.
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Well, that’s true. When most people hear what “everyone else believes,” they believe it too. This has been proven in experimental settings. Only a minority speak up to disagree. Most fear the majority opinion.
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Diane,
Do you also see how fast the right wing’s 6-3 decision that the Constitution intended for Congress to decide whether they wanted to enforce it has been normalized, even here?
When Fani Willis is removed, that will be normalized.
If the Supreme Court decides to give Trump whatever immunity he needs to remain untouchable (being careful not to give any such immunity to Biden) it will be normalized.
Already, the Supreme Court’s decision to review the immunity case has been normalized. The Supreme Court’s decision to DELAY reviewing the immunity case has been normalized. A Federalist Society Republican Judge holding a public hearing giving Republican prosecutors (who have themselves acted improperly) the right to publicly smear Fani Willis with innuendo has been normalized. Once the corrupt process is normalized, the outcome of that corrupt process is normalized.
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^^^correction above:
“A Federalist Society Republican Judge holding a public hearing giving Republican DEFENSE ATTORNEYS (who have themselves acted improperly) the right to publicly smear Fani Willis with innuendo has been normalized. Once the corrupt process is normalized, the outcome of that corrupt process is normalized.”
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NYCPSP,
More problems in Georgia. The Republican-dominated legislature is planning to open an investigation of Fani Willis. This is another maneuver to sandbag the trial of Trump. https://www.cnn.com/2024/03/04/politics/georgia-defense-attorney-fani-willis-state-committee/index.html
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The one argument that I see in favor of the Court decision is that if Trump were taken off the ballot in Colorado, Maine, and Illinois, red states would find a pretext to take Biden off the ballot. In the end, it probably wouldn’t matter, since the election will be decided in a small number of swing states. But it would produce electoral chaos.
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Diane, I think that political reality, coupled with the point the Chief Justice made at the hearing about how the point of Section 3 was to *curtail* state authority over federal elections, was the main motivation behind the decision.
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Interesting points:
The Court was quite willing to turn women’s reproductive rights over to the states, but not their electoral process.
I agree that it would be chaos to give states the power to kick candidates off the ballot. Red states would find grounds to disqualify Biden.
However, it is deeply disturbing that Trump escapes any consequences for unleashing a mob on the Capitol in an effort to disrupt the Constitutional process. And lying for three years about losing the election!
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I feel like the entire premise of that is wrong. The Constitution specifically puts restrictions on who can run for office. One of those restrictions affects insurrectionists. I don’t understand why this is complicated, and I assume neither did Robert Hubbell.
It seems disingenuous to claim that it was a 9-0 decision that makes the Constitution worthless when – regardless of how I feel about their decision – the liberal justices were simply balancing the timing of this. The 3 liberal justices do NOT say that the Constitutional right to remove an insurrectionist from the ballot IS NON-EXISTENT unless Congress passes a law. This decision by right wing justices only spurns the Constitution — which gives Congress the ability to RESTORE Trump’s right to be on a ballot as an insurrectionist. The right wing Supreme Court now says this isn’t a law unless Congress makes it one. Which means it isn’t a law at all.
This isn’t a slippery slope because Biden did not commit insurrection. And Trump did. This isn’t even a question because Trump did it right in front of us and ADMITS it!
Texas can’t take Biden off the ballot because Biden didn’t commit insurrection. I repeat, BIDEN DID NOT COMMIT INSURRECTION!!!!
If the normalizing argument is that Texas can simply say Biden is an insurrectionist even if it isn’t true,then they can also say that Biden wasn’t born in the US. Or Biden is too young. Or Biden is a dangerous terrorist who should be shot on sight. Once REALITY and TRUTH doesn’t count, the justices can spurn the entire Constitution and have our consent because if the Constitution allows democrats the right to criticize a Republican, then Texas would say that Republicans had the right to yell fire and incite panic at every gathering of democrats. It just seems absurd. Like Biden NOT being an insurrectionist isn’t relevant.
That kind of argument would be treated as nonsense if it was made to support some liberal policy or interpretation of the Constitution. We all accept the end of Roe v. Wade because the Supreme Court says so, and we didn’t argue that repealing Roe V. Wade meant that some states now “could” round up 17 year olds and implant them with embryos and force them to give birth for childless Republicans is not considered a thoughtful argument.
If our side is now legitimizing the total and utter nonsense that we can’t uphold the Constitution because it would allow Texas to BREAK THE LAW and act as a fascist government, then what is the point? Next will be that we can’t allow Democrats to say anything critical about Trump because then Texas will arrest all Jews in retaliation and put them in a gas chamber.
So disheartening to watch manufacturing consent to dismantle our democracy in action.
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The Justices unanimously reversed the Colorado Supreme Court. Five justices also found that federal legislation is the only vehicle through which Section 3 may be enforced. Four justices did not think it was necessary to decide the issue of how Section 3 may be enforced.
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DIANE: “The one argument that I see in favor of the Court decision is that if Trump were taken off the ballot in Colorado, Maine, and . . . “
I think that the Colorado point was that they did not want to overrule the Court, but rather to invite it to do its job.
But it seems that such talk matters little anymore when even the act of interpretation has been bound to the convenience of one’s personal politics and then weaponized.
(That’s code for: Truth has left the building.) CBK
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CBK,
Yes, that sums it up brilliantly. Colorado invited the Supreme Court to do its’ job.
And in response to the Supreme Court making it clear they would ONLY do their job if it helps Trump, there are so many folks rationalizing this and the SC grant cert on the immunity issue for the sole purpose of delaying Trump trials. (If this was not an attempt to delay, they would have come out with a timely decision.)
We just keep rationalizing the most abhorrent right wing Supreme Court and other right wing judicial actions, which seems clear to me in the way there is little outrage and complete normalization of the improper actions that the Federalist Society Republican Judge has taken to justify a Democrat dangerous to Trump being removed – despite there being no credible grounds to remove her – to shut down the prosecution of Trump’s crimes.
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NYC PSP: I cannot help but think about those who wrote the Colorado Supreme Court’s opinion . . . they must be livid. I can only hope SCOTUS reads and takes to heart some of the stuff that’s being written about them, even by the most illustrious legal scholars in the land. CBK
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Here are just a few more words about how weird and wrong the following assertion by Hubbell is:
”The ruling was ostensibly 9-0 with three justices writing a concurring opinion that reads like a dissent and a concurrence by Amy Coney Barrett that criticized the overreach of reactionary majority. In fact, as explained below, the ruling was 5-4, meaning that Justice Thomas’s refusal to recuse himself (as required by statute and rule) was outcome-determinative. Justice Thomas’s corruption saved Donald Trump’s slot on the Colorado ballot.”
No, Justice Thomas’s vote did not “save Donald Trump’s slot on the Colorado ballot.” That’s because all nine justices voted to reverse the Colorado Supreme Court’s decision and reinstate Trump on the ballot. I don’t know why Hubbell thinks that Trump wouldn’t be on the Colorado ballot if not for Justice Thomas or the other conservative justices on the Court—maybe he’s so angry that he can’t think straight—but it’s simply wrong.
What *was* at stake is not whether Trump could remain on the Colorado ballot, but how future cases involving Section 3 in different circumstances might turn out. Again, *every justice agreed* that no state has the authority to remove a candidate from a ballot under Section 3. Not Colorado, not Maine, not any state. That’s the unanimous ruling. If people think that guts the Constitution, fine, but don’t get confused and blame it only on Justice Thomas or the conservative justices (note that Coney Barrett did not agree with the narrower holding either)
(For what it’s worth, I tend to agree with the two concurrences.)
So how else might Section 3 arise? Sotomayor gives only one example, and it’s interesting if a little odd. She writes:
”It forecloses judicial enforcement of that provision, such as might occur when a party is prosecuted by an insurrectionist and raises a defense on this score.”
This seems to suggests a scenario where an Attorney General who is an insurrectionist prosecuted someone, and the defendant argues that the case must be dismissed because it’s being brought under the authority of someone who is not entitled to hold the office of Attorney General pursuant to Section 3. In that scenario, the federal courts (ultimately the Supreme Court) would decide whether Section 3 applies.
It’s an interesting hypothetical, but just to be clear, the real difference between the per curiam holding and the Sotomayor/Kagan/Jackson concurrence is about how hypotheticals like that would play out. There is also disagreement about how prescriptive the per curiam opinion is about what details the Congressional authorization must include.
There is NO disagreement about whether Trump should stay on the ballot of Colorado or any other state.
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“There is NO disagreement about whether Trump should stay on the ballot of Colorado or any other state.”
For the primary. I don’t understand why you assume that if Jack Smith got a federal insurrection conviction for Trump in June, that you already know by this decision that the 3 liberal justices would demand that Trump convicted of insurrection MUST remain on every state’s regular election ballot because the Constitution says that it the law (when actually the Constitution says the opposite).
If ANYTHING would throw this country into chaos, it would be letting a convicted criminal run for president.
The whole point of the strongly dissenting “concurrence” (which really is a dissent) is that this should have been a very narrow ruling. It certainly is not a ruling that there is a 9-0 unanimous opinion that a convicted insurrectionist can’t be struck off the ballot by a state, even though some seem to have mind-reading powers and claim that it exactly what the 3 liberal justices’ would do.
I don’t know how I would feel if the Supreme Court was totally corrupt but in favor of progressive Democrats. I don’t know how I would feel if they kept randomly citing whatever they wanted to declare xx law that protects corrupt Democrats Constitutional, and xx law that targets Republican voters to disenfranchise them Constitutional, but declares it unconstitutional for any state not to provide free health care to all citizens. I want to say that I would sacrifice immediate gratification for those things because I knew that with fair elections, these are what the public wants. I think I would. I don’t think I’d spend all my time normalizing it: ”If the Supreme Court does it, that means it’s legal”.
The 3 justices believe in the Constitution, and the other 6 (perhaps 5) believe in whatever is good for Republicans.
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Too many wrong statements and assumptions to correct.
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FLERP: It seems to me that SCOTUS doesn’t know (or doesn’t care) that they ARE the voice of the U.S. Constitution. It was as plain as the orange on Trump’s hair:
The Colorado Court was asking SCOTUS to stand and speak for the U.S. Constitution, and not just for Colorado, but FOR ALL OF THE STATES.
I couldn’t help but think: The Colorado Court’s relationship with SCOTUS is equivalent to a student sitting in a physics classroom realizing that the teacher doesn’t even know who Einstein is.
The only three questions for me to come out of the situation are: Is their depravity just stupidity and naivete about who they are, or is it deliberate? And WHY? CBK
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#ZeitTag ☞ #CourtingInsurrection
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“Elect Democrats. Reform the Court. Defend the Constitution. Preserve Democracy.”
The Constitution has now been relegated to a document of convenience to be ignored when necessary. Not only does Trump need to be defeated, but a resounding defeat of Republicans in Congress is required. Even then, I am not confident the Democrats will understand the urgency of profound court reform. Money has not only infiltrated our political system through Citizens United, but it is obvious through significant reporting that this money has influenced the Supreme Court. The oligarchy has profound control over our government to the point where simple Wall Street limits on legislators cannot pass due to opposition from both parties. I’m not confident that Democrats can pass and enforce meaningful ethics reform for the courts, much less add justices. There should be an effort to change the Constitution to limit terms for judges either through age or time served. There will be profound pushback from a corporate culture that has sway over too many Democrats because they now have the court they want. A Republican defeat in November will not be enough. A government that understands its regulatory duty for the sake of all Americans is required.
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A resounding, unequivocal defeat of Trump and MAGA is a good starting point.
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I agree. I’m just not confident the Democrats are bold enough to take action to reform the Court. I like what Senator Whitehouse has done, I’m just not sure the rest of the caucus will follow.
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I’m not sure that the Democrats are bold enough to crack a car window to let fresh air in, to chew gum and walk at the same time, to ski on the bunny slope, to risk saying anything controversial to anyone ever.
The messaging of the DNC and of the Biden campaign are both pathetic.
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first they’d need to kill the filibuster.
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Here are some thoughts from Senator Bernie Sanders on the State of the Union speech by Biden.
While most Democrats will focus their attention on Trump’s indictments, his insults and outrages, our job is to be laser-focused in reminding people of the fraud and pathological liar for working people we all know Trump to be.
For instance:
This is a president, Donald Trump, who said he was going to provide health care to everyone, yet tried to throw 32 million people off of health care and has pledged to continue to try and accomplish that goal.
This is a president who said he was going to stand up for working families and who promised to pass tax reform legislation designed to help the middle class, yet 83 percent of his tax benefits go to the top 1 percent.
This is a president who promised to take on the pharmaceutical companies. He said they were “getting away with murder.” Yet, drug prices continue to soar and he appointed a drug company executive as the Secretary of Health and Human Services.
This is a president who promised to take on the greed of Wall Street, but then proceeded to appoint more Wall Street titans to high positions than any president in history.
This is a president who appointed vehemently anti-labor members to the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB).
This is a president who believes climate change is a “hoax”, and appointed agency leaders and judges who consistently undermined our ability to move toward sustainable energy and protect the environment.
This is a president who said he would do “everything in my power to protect our LGBT citizens,” yet went out of his way to attempt to deny them from getting the health care they need and allow discrimination against them in the workplace.
This is a president who brags about his role in overturning Roe v. Wade and denying reproductive rights to millions of women across the country.
This is a president who said that if he won that America would be respected again around the world, yet as a result of his anti-democratic and incompetent policies has succeeded in significantly lowering the respect that people all over the planet have for the United States, all while embracing right-wing authoritarian rulers around the world.
This is a president who not only rejected his own defeat and attempted to incite an insurrection to stop Congress from certifying the election, but worked overtime to make it harder for people to vote and easier for billionaires to buy the outcomes of elections. I happen to believe that if Trump is elected once again this November, the 250 year old experiment of modern democracy in this country may very well come to end.
The truth is, Donald Trump sold out the working families of this country once, and if he wins again all of the anti-worker, anti-democratic policies he pursued during his first term will only be magnified. He is a menace to working people whose rejection of climate science threatens the future of this planet. We have to appreciate how unbelievably severe the current moment is.
This is not the message most Democrats trying to defeat Trump will communicate, but it one we must relentlessly remind the working people of this country about ahead of November’s elections.
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Thank you for sharing such a thoughtful article about the recent Supreme Court decision. I found your insights on the implications for educational policy particularly valuable, especially regarding how court rulings can shape the future of public resources. Building on your discussion, it’s interesting to note that similar cases in history have often led to significant shifts in policy. For instance, the landmark case of Brown v. Board of Education not only addressed segregation but also set a precedent that could influence funding and resources in schools. Understanding these historical contexts could help us better predict potential ripple effects from current decisions. Moreover, the role of the “writ of mandamus” comes to mind in this context, as it allows parties to compel a governmental body to fulfill its duties. It’ll be intriguing to consider how this legal tool might be used in the aftermath of the Supreme Court’s ruling to address grievances related to educational equity. How do you think the courts could redefine their approach to educational cases in light of the recent decision?
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Which recent decision? They have all been bad for public schools.
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