Criticism of The 1619 Project appeared soon after its publication. On the right, it was denounced as an unjustified, outrageous attack on traditional American values and ideals, an attack on the Founding Fathers, an attack on the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. President Trump denounced it and established the “1776 Commission” to urge the teaching of “traditional” history that instills patriotism and pride. Legislators in Republican-dominated states framed legislation to ban it as well as the teaching of “critical race theory.”
It was not only conservatives who objected to The 1619 Project. Five respected historians published their disagreements, sent them to The New York Times, and demanded corrections. Adam Serwer of The Atlantic reviewed the debate and offered a balanced view of the different criticisms, as well as the response by The New York Times to the critics.
He wrote:
The reaction to the project was not universally enthusiastic. Several weeks ago, the Princeton historian Sean Wilentz, who had criticized the 1619 Project’s “cynicism” in a lecture in November, began quietly circulating a letter objecting to the project, and some of Hannah-Jones’s work in particular. The letter acquired four signatories—James McPherson, Gordon Wood, Victoria Bynum, and James Oakes, all leading scholars in their field. They sent their letter to three top Times editors and the publisher, A. G. Sulzberger, on December 4. A version of that letter was published on Friday, along with a detailed rebuttal from Jake Silverstein, the editor of the Times Magazine.
The letter sent to the Times says, “We applaud all efforts to address the foundational centrality of slavery and racism to our history,” but then veers into harsh criticism of the 1619 Project. The letter refers to “matters of verifiable fact” that “cannot be described as interpretation or ‘framing’” and says the project reflected “a displacement of historical understanding by ideology.” Wilentz and his fellow signatories didn’t just dispute the Times Magazine’s interpretation of past events, but demanded corrections.
In the age of social-media invective, a strongly worded letter might not seem particularly significant. But given the stature of the historians involved, the letter is a serious challenge to the credibility of the 1619 Project, which has drawn its share not just of admirers but also critics.
Nevertheless, some historians who declined to sign the letter wondered whether the letter was intended less to resolve factual disputes than to discredit laymen who had challenged an interpretation of American national identity that is cherished by liberals and conservatives alike.
Sean Wilentz of Princeton University delivered a lecture criticizing the Project, which was published in the New York Review of Books, and subsequently organized the letter signed by the five distinguished historians.
He first describes the traditional view of America as a nation becoming ever more committed to its ideals and then contrasts it to Hannah-Jones’ pessimistic view.
There is another view that challenges the familiar one, hailed by its supporters for forcing an honest reckoning with slavery and its unending consequences. This account asks profound and unsettling questions about the nation’s origins and bids us to regard the experience of the slaves as the true test of America’s professed ideals. Slavery, in this view, wasn’t simply an important part of American society at the founding and after; it defined a nation born in oppression and bad faith. While this view acknowledges the ideals of equality proclaimed by Jefferson and others, it regards them as hollow. Even after slavery ended, the racism that justified slavery persisted, not just as an aspect of American life but at its very core.
If the familiar view courts complacency, this one is vulnerable to an easy cynicism. Once slavery’s enormity is understood, as it should be, not as a temporary flaw but as an essential fact of American history, it can make the birth of the American republic and the subsequent rise of American democracy look as nothing more than the vindication of glittering generalities about freedom and equality founded on the oppression of blacks, enslaved and free, as well as the expropriation and slaughter of Native Americans. It can resemble, ironically, the reactionary proslavery insistence that the egalitarian self-evident truths of the Declaration were self-evident lies. It can leave our understanding of American history susceptible to moralizing distortions that seem compelling simply because they defy reassuring versions of the past.
Some of that cynicism is on display in The New York Times Magazine’s recently launched 1619 Project, enough to give ammunition to hostile critics who would discredit or minimize the entire enterprise of understanding America’s history of slavery and antislavery. The project’s lead essay, for example, by Nikole Hannah-Jones berates our national mythology for “conveniently” omitting “that one of the primary reasons the colonists decided to declare their independence from Britain was because they wanted to protect the institution of slavery.” Supposedly, Britain, by 1776, “had grown deeply conflicted over its role in the barbaric institution that had reshaped the Western Hemisphere.” There were, the essay says, “growing calls” in London to abolish the slave trade, which would have “upended the economy of the colonies, in both the North and the South.” Americans, in short, “may never have revolted against Britain” had the founders not believed that independence “was required in order to ensure that slavery would continue.” The American Revolution, in effect, anticipated the slaveholders’ rebellion eighty-odd years later: the American patriots allegedly declared their independence of Britain in 1776 for the same reason that the Southern states seceded in 1860–1861, to guarantee that slavery would endure. American independence, in this view, was a precursor of Southern secession…
The five historians wrote the following letter, which was reproduced in the New York Times:
We write as historians to express our strong reservations about important aspects of The 1619 Project. The project is intended to offer a new version of American history in which slavery and white supremacy become the dominant organizing themes. The Times has announced ambitious plans to make the project available to schools in the form of curriculums and related instructional material.
We applaud all efforts to address the enduring centrality of slavery and racism to our history. Some of us have devoted our entire professional lives to those efforts, and all of us have worked hard to advance them. Raising profound, unsettling questions about slavery and the nation’s past and present, as The 1619 Project does, is a praiseworthy and urgent public service. Nevertheless, we are dismayed at some of the factual errors in the project and the closed process behind it.
These errors, which concern major events, cannot be described as interpretation or “framing.” They are matters of verifiable fact, which are the foundation of both honest scholarship and honest journalism. They suggest a displacement of historical understanding by ideology. Dismissal of objections on racial grounds — that they are the objections of only “white historians” — has affirmed that displacement.
On the American Revolution, pivotal to any account of our history, the project asserts that the founders declared the colonies’ independence of Britain “in order to ensure slavery would continue.” This is not true. If supportable, the allegation would be astounding — yet every statement offered by the project to validate it is false. Some of the other material in the project is distorted, including the claim that “for the most part,” black Americans have fought their freedom struggles “alone.”
Still other material is misleading. The project criticizes Abraham Lincoln’s views on racial equality but ignores his conviction that the Declaration of Independence proclaimed universal equality, for blacks as well as whites, a view he upheld repeatedly against powerful white supremacists who opposed him. The project also ignores Lincoln’s agreement with Frederick Douglass that the Constitution was, in Douglass’s words, “a GLORIOUS LIBERTY DOCUMENT.” Instead, the project asserts that the United States was founded on racial slavery, an argument rejected by a majority of abolitionists and proclaimed by champions of slavery like John C. Calhoun.
The 1619 Project has not been presented as the views of individual writers — views that in some cases, as on the supposed direct connections between slavery and modern corporate practices, have so far failed to establish any empirical veracity or reliability and have been seriously challenged by other historians. Instead, the project is offered as an authoritative account that bears the imprimatur and credibility of The New York Times. Those connected with the project have assured the public that its materials were shaped by a panel of historians and have been scrupulously fact-checked. Yet the process remains opaque. The names of only some of the historians involved have been released, and the extent of their involvement as “consultants” and fact checkers remains vague. The selective transparency deepens our concern.
We ask that The Times, according to its own high standards of accuracy and truth, issue prominent corrections of all the errors and distortions presented in The 1619 Project. We also ask for the removal of these mistakes from any materials destined for use in schools, as well as in all further publications, including books bearing the name of The New York Times. We ask finally that The Times reveal fully the process through which the historical materials were and continue to be assembled, checked and authenticated.
Sincerely,
Victoria Bynum, distinguished emerita professor of history, Texas State University;
James M. McPherson, George Henry Davis 1886 emeritus professor of American history, Princeton University;
James Oakes, distinguished professor, the Graduate Center, the City University of New York;
Sean Wilentz, George Henry Davis 1886 professor of American history, Princeton University;
Gordon S. Wood, Alva O. Wade University emeritus professor and emeritus professor of history, Brown University.
Jake Silverstein, the editor-in-chief of the New York Times Magazine, responded to the letter from the five historians.
He wrote:
Editor’s response:
Since The 1619 Project was published in August, we have received a great deal of feedback from readers, many of them educators, academics and historians. A majority have reacted positively to the project, but there have also been criticisms. Some I would describe as constructive, noting episodes we might have overlooked; others have treated the work more harshly. We are happy to accept all of this input, as it helps us continue to think deeply about the subject of slavery and its legacy.
The letter from Professors Bynum, McPherson, Oakes, Wilentz and Wood differs from the previous critiques we have received in that it contains the first major request for correction. We are familiar with the objections of the letter writers, as four of them have been interviewed in recent months by the World Socialist Web Site. We’re glad for a chance to respond directly to some of their objections.
Though we respect the work of the signatories, appreciate that they are motivated by scholarly concern and applaud the efforts they have made in their own writings to illuminate the nation’s past, we disagree with their claim that our project contains significant factual errors and is driven by ideology rather than historical understanding. While we welcome criticism, we don’t believe that the request for corrections to The 1619 Project is warranted.
The project was intended to address the marginalization of African-American history in the telling of our national story and examine the legacy of slavery in contemporary American life. We are not ourselves historians, it is true. We are journalists, trained to look at current events and situations and ask the question: Why is this the way it is? In the case of the persistent racism and inequality that plague this country, the answer to that question led us inexorably into the past — and not just for this project. The project’s creator, Nikole Hannah-Jones, a staff writer at the magazine, has consistently used history to inform her journalism, primarily in her work on educational segregation (work for which she has been recognized with numerous honors, including a MacArthur Fellowship).
Though we may not be historians, we take seriously the responsibility of accurately presenting history to readers of The New York Times. The letter writers express concern about a “closed process” and an opaque “panel of historians,” so I’d like to make clear the steps we took. We did not assemble a formal panel for this project. Instead, during the early stages of development, we consulted with numerous scholars of African-American history and related fields, in a group meeting at The Times as well as in a series of individual conversations. (Five of those who initially consulted with us — Mehrsa Baradaran of the University of California, Irvine; Matthew Desmond and Kevin M. Kruse, both of Princeton University; and Tiya Miles and Khalil G. Muhammad, both of Harvard University — went on to publish articles in the issue.) After those consultations, writers conducted their own research, reading widely, examining primary documents and artifacts and interviewing historians. Finally, during the fact-checking process, our researchers carefully reviewed all the articles in the issue with subject-area experts. This is no different from what we do on any article.
As the five letter writers well know, there are often debates, even among subject-area experts, about how to see the past. Historical understanding is not fixed; it is constantly being adjusted by new scholarship and new voices. Within the world of academic history, differing views exist, if not over what precisely happened, then about why it happened, who made it happen, how to interpret the motivations of historical actors and what it all means.
The passages cited in the letter, regarding the causes of the American Revolution and the attitudes toward black equality of Abraham Lincoln, are good examples of this. Both are found in the lead essay by Hannah-Jones. We can hardly claim to have studied the Revolutionary period as long as some of the signatories, nor do we presume to tell them anything they don’t already know, but I think it would be useful for readers to hear why we believe that Hannah-Jones’s claim that “one of the primary reasons the colonists decided to declare their independence from Britain was because they wanted to protect the institution of slavery” is grounded in the historical record.
The work of various historians, among them David Waldstreicher and Alfred W. and Ruth G. Blumrosen, supports the contention that uneasiness among slaveholders in the colonies about growing antislavery sentiment in Britain and increasing imperial regulation helped motivate the Revolution. One main episode that these and other historians refer to is the landmark 1772 decision of the British high court in Somerset v. Stewart. The case concerned a British customs agent named Charles Stewart who bought an enslaved man named Somerset and took him to England, where he briefly escaped. Stewart captured Somerset and planned to sell him and ship him to Jamaica, only for the chief justice, Lord Mansfield, to declare this unlawful, because chattel slavery was not supported by English common law.
It is true, as Professor Wilentz has noted elsewhere, that the Somerset decision did not legally threaten slavery in the colonies, but the ruling caused a sensation nonetheless. Numerous colonial newspapers covered it and warned of the tyranny it represented. Multiple historians have pointed out that in part because of the Somerset case, slavery joined other issues in helping to gradually drive apart the patriots and their colonial governments. The British often tried to undermine the patriots by mocking their hypocrisy in fighting for liberty while keeping Africans in bondage, and colonial officials repeatedly encouraged enslaved people to seek freedom by fleeing to British lines. For their part, large numbers of the enslaved came to see the struggle as one between freedom and continued subjugation. As Waldstreicher writes, “The black-British alliance decisively pushed planters in these [Southern] states toward independence.”
The culmination of this was the Dunmore Proclamation, issued in late 1775 by the colonial governor of Virginia, which offered freedom to any enslaved person who fled his plantation and joined the British Army. A member of South Carolina’s delegation to the Continental Congress wrote that this act did more to sever the ties between Britain and its colonies “than any other expedient which could possibly have been thought of.” The historian Jill Lepore writes in her recent book, “These Truths: A History of the United States,” “Not the taxes and the tea, not the shots at Lexington and Concord, not the siege of Boston; rather, it was this act, Dunmore’s offer of freedom to slaves, that tipped the scales in favor of American independence.” And yet how many contemporary Americans have ever even heard of it? Enslaved people at the time certainly knew about it. During the Revolution, thousands sought freedom by taking refuge with British forces.
As for the question of Lincoln’s attitudes on black equality, the letter writers imply that Hannah-Jones was unfairly harsh toward our 16th president. Admittedly, in an essay that covered several centuries and ranged from the personal to the historical, she did not set out to explore in full his continually shifting ideas about abolition and the rights of black Americans. But she provides an important historical lesson by simply reminding the public, which tends to view Lincoln as a saint, that for much of his career, he believed that a necessary prerequisite for freedom would be a plan to encourage the four million formerly enslaved people to leave the country. To be sure, at the end of his life, Lincoln’s racial outlook had evolved considerably in the direction of real equality. Yet the story of abolition becomes more complicated, and more instructive, when readers understand that even the Great Emancipator was ambivalent about full black citizenship.
The letter writers also protest that Hannah-Jones, and the project’s authors more broadly, ignore Lincoln’s admiration, which he shared with Frederick Douglass, for the commitment to liberty espoused in the Constitution. This seems to me a more general point of dispute. The writers believe that the Revolution and the Constitution provided the framework for the eventual abolition of slavery and for the equality of black Americans, and that our project insufficiently credits both the founders and 19th-century Republican leaders like Lincoln, Thaddeus Stevens, Charles Sumner and others for their contributions toward achieving these goals.
It may be true that under a less egalitarian system of government, slavery would have continued for longer, but the United States was still one of the last nations in the Americas to abolish the institution — only Cuba and Brazil did so after us. And while our democratic system has certainly led to many progressive advances for the rights of minority groups over the past two centuries, these advances, as Hannah-Jones argues in her essay, have almost always come as a result of political and social struggles in which African-Americans have generally taken the lead, not as a working-out of the immanent logic of the Constitution.
And yet for all that, it is difficult to argue that equality has ever been truly achieved for black Americans — not in 1776, not in 1865, not in 1964, not in 2008 and not today. The very premise of The 1619 Project, in fact, is that many of the inequalities that continue to afflict the nation are a direct result of the unhealed wound created by 250 years of slavery and an additional century of second-class citizenship and white-supremacist terrorism inflicted on black people (together, those two periods account for 88 percent of our history since 1619). These inequalities were the starting point of our project — the facts that, to take just a few examples, black men are nearly six times as likely to wind up in prison as white men, or that black women are three times as likely to die in childbirth as white women, or that the median family wealth for white people is $171,000, compared with just $17,600 for black people. The rampant discrimination that black people continue to face across nearly every aspect of American life suggests that neither the framework of the Constitution nor the strenuous efforts of political leaders in the past and the present, both white and black, has yet been able to achieve the democratic ideals of the founding for all Americans.
This is an important discussion to have, and we are eager to see it continue. To that end, we are planning to host public conversations next year among academics with differing perspectives on American history. Good-faith critiques of our project only help us refine and improve it — an important goal for us now that we are in the process of expanding it into a book. For example, we have heard from several scholars who profess to admire the project a great deal but wish it had included some mention of African slavery in Spanish Florida during the century before 1619. Though we stand by the logic of marking the beginning of American slavery with the year it was introduced in the English colonies, this feedback has helped us think about the importance of considering the prehistory of the period our project addresses.
Valuable critiques may come from many sources. The letter misperceives our attitudes when it charges that we dismiss objections on racial grounds. This appears to be a reference not to anything published in The 1619 Project itself, but rather to a November Twitter post from Hannah-Jones in which she questioned whether “white historians” have always produced objective accounts of American history. As is so often the case on Twitter, context is important. In this instance, Hannah-Jones was responding to a post, since deleted, from another user claiming that many “white historians” objected to the project but were hesitant to speak up. In her reply, she was trying to make the point that for the most part, the history of this country has been told by white historians (some of whom, as in the case of the Dunning School, which grossly miseducated Americans about the history of Reconstruction for much of the 20th century, produced accounts that were deeply flawed), and that to truly understand the fullness and complexity of our nation’s story, we need a greater variety of voices doing the telling.
That, above all, is what we hoped our project would do: expand the reader’s sense of the American past. (This is how some educators are using it to supplement their teaching of United States history.) That is what the letter writers have done, in different ways, over the course of their distinguished careers and in their many books. Though we may disagree on some important matters, we are grateful for their input and their interest in discussing these fundamental questions about the country’s history.
Sincerely,
Jake Silverstein
Editor in chief
Adam Serwer reviewed the debate and wrote this in his article in The Atlantic:
In fact, the harshness of the Wilentz letter may obscure the extent to which its authors and the creators of the 1619 Project share a broad historical vision. Both sides agree, as many of the project’s right-wing critics do not, that slavery’s legacy still shapes American life—an argument that is less radical than it may appear at first glance. If you think anti-black racism still shapes American society, then you are in agreement with the thrust of the 1619 Project, though not necessarily with all of its individual arguments.
The clash between the Times authors and their historian critics represents a fundamental disagreement over the trajectory of American society. Was America founded as a slavocracy, and are current racial inequities the natural outgrowth of that? Or was America conceived in liberty, a nation haltingly redeeming itself through its founding principles? These are not simple questions to answer, because the nation’s pro-slavery and anti-slavery tendencies are so closely intertwined.
The letter is rooted in a vision of American history as a slow, uncertain march toward a more perfect union. The 1619 Project, and Hannah-Jones’s introductory essay in particular, offer a darker vision of the nation, in which Americans have made less progress than they think, and in which black people continue to struggle indefinitely for rights they may never fully realize. Inherent in that vision is a kind of pessimism, not about black struggle but about the sincerity and viability of white anti-racism. It is a harsh verdict, and one of the reasons the 1619 Project has provoked pointed criticism alongside praise.
In light of this debate, should The 1619 Project be used as a resource in teaching American history or should it be banned, as several states are now intending to do? I will address that question in the next post.
Diane Ravitch's blog 
Thank you for bringing this debate to a larger audience. Education bureuacrats are likely to be familiar with 1619 but not the power and iinsight of the 5 historians who have brought forward an insightful revision or two based upon history more than presentism
I appreciate what you do. Beutner said his KLCS broadcast tomorrow will feature a discussion of affordable housing for teachers. Not adequate compensation, but affordable housing? For teachers? So that decent wages are unnecessary, forcing more teachers to live in affordable housing? Seriously?
Wonderful food for thought on a Sunday morning …. What we see from reading different perspectives is that history is alive, not a bunch of facts, but a story. I grew up in South Carolina and my mother was an American and South Carolina history teacher. I learned nothing of the history of slavery or reconstruction or civil rights in school. What I learned supported slavery and state’s rights (to own slaves). Our history classes rarely made it past the War of 1812 and reinforced the idea of great “men” created this great country. In other words Propaganda. That is why the 1619 project is so important, as a living, ongoing project, so that our students can learn more about our past and hopefully develop an understanding of critical thinking. I wonder what Russian students today are learning about Stalin or Chinese students of Mao?
Thanks for putting these exchanges in context. Very illuminating. I agree completely with your point that the Big 5 historians are actually much closer to the 1619 project than they are to the rightwing anti-CRT reaction. But on the debate over specific factual errors I still think the 1619 project maintains the upper hand and gets us closer to historical truth. Protecting slavery was always a factor for the South in the independence movement. And while Lincoln always opposed slavery as a gross affront to the equality principle of the Declaration he never believed whites, North or South, would accept African American equality in the U.S. Until the Emancipation Proclamation he’d always advocated the re-colonization of Blacks to Africa for the simple reason that he believed whites wouldn’t support ending or limiting the expansion of slavery otherwise. Helpful to remember that Abolitionists were widely scorned as crazy radicals before the Civil War. Ironically, Lincoln shared a lot of the pessimism about the intractability of racism amongst white Americans that the 1619 Project represents.
intractability: a good word for the moment
You make excellent points, but I will critique what you wrote according to the standards that “esteemed historian” Wilentz demands from the non-white historians he doesn’t like (but not from the white historians he does like).
“Lincoln always opposed slavery as a gross affront to the equality principle of the Declaration…”
Lincoln ALWAYS opposed slavery? From when he was a toddler? From when he was 12? From when he was 18? According to the standards that historian Wilentz uses, you must be cancelled for that falsehood and Wilentz would be cited when the right wing news media runs stories about how you falsely claimed that the first words out of baby Abe’s mouth were “end slavery”. After all, “esteemed liberal historians” like Wilentz said you use falsehoods and should be cancelled immediately.
But you don’t have to worry if you are a white man, Jack Clifford Thompson. If so, you are perfectly free to state that Lincoln ALWAYS opposed slavery. No problem. Our esteemed historian Wilentz will not parse every word you wrote and declare that you must be cancelled forever. Wilentz understands what you meant. It’s okay for you to have said “always” for emphasis even if that is demonstrably false. Wilentz doesn’t want to discredit your entire body of work because of that. You are not “dangerous” to him like Hannah-Jones so he doesn’t hold you to an impossible standard that he himself does not even meet.
No one can ever prove that “Lincoln always opposed slavery”. But if a white scholar Wilentz liked said “Lincoln opposed slavery”, Wilentz would not try to discredit his entire body of work because Wilentz only seems to apply those very strict standards to work done by non-white scholars whose research makes him very, very uncomfortable.
That’s what bothers me most about the double standard of scholars like Wilentz. It demonstrates his implicit racism just like any white person who defends police who treat white folks differently than non-white folks is implicitly racist. They all feel that some people like Hannah-Jones or unarmed African American teens are “dangerous” and therefore they must be held to a standard that no white person could ever meet.
At which point do we adopt journalists as historians? We must have varied sources to corroborate the story, but the bottom line is journalists who do their diligence in research can and should be not only held to the highest standards but also be accepted as actual ad hoc historians of current events. I see the value of the Ivory Tower Five’s input, but it speaks to me more as a complaint that they weren’t consulted in this project than as a complaint of misinterpreting historical information. Just my two cents. But who am I? Not them, they would surely tell you.
The New York Times’ 1619 Project should neither be banned nor taught. But the rebuttal needs to be widely read and discussed. This includes the replies of the preeminent historians Wilenz, James McPherson, Gordon Wood, Clayborne Carson, Victoria Bynum and more, many of which are located in a recent volume addressing the project. 1619 has so many factual errors this lengthy book is, no doubt, just the first compilation of a wide-ranging refutation.
Most dangerous of all is 1619’s political line. It is not just pessimistic; it blames white workers for the continued oppression of black workers, pitting races against each other. That, of course, was always the purpose of racism. Blood-and-race never advance society. For this reason the positions of CRT, Jones, “identity politics,” etc. must be rejected. It can be noted that Wall Street has never done better, pandemic profiteers have been wildly successful during the past year–yet education is still on rations, $15/hour is considered a liveable wage, and poverty has increased. As more and more workers go on strike, big business seeks to inject race into everything–more divide and conquer. For that reason, Jones has been picked up, promoted and handed a Pulitizer.
As the factual errors, let me just cite one part of the many left-wing replies which aims to understand both the gains and shortcoming of the American rebellion in its appropriate historical context. It notes that it was in the nature of the American/French/etc. [bourgeois democratic] revolutions to promise more than they can deliver. “There is no question that compromises were made to secure the unity of the colonies in the struggle against Britain and, later, to achieve agreement on a constitution for the new United States of America. Historians may find fault, if they wish, with the morals of those who made these compromises. But they must still provide an accurate account of the historical context and political constraints which led to the decisions of the Founders. No such analysis is provided by the authors of the 1619 Project. Everything is explained in terms of the alleged racial hatreds of “white” people. That is the one constant in the 1619 Project narrative, which it applies to its discussion of the entirety of American history—from the 17th to 21st century.
“The Founders compromised with the slaveholding southern colonies in order to establish and maintain national unity. But this does not alter the fact that the American Revolution was a monumental event that changed the course of world history. The objective event was greater than the fault-ridden mortals who found themselves in the leadership of the Revolution. Professor Jonathan Israel explains in The Expanding Blaze: How the American Revolution Ignited the World, 1775-1848:
“The American Revolution, preceding the great French Revolution of 1789–99, was the first and one of the most momentous upheavals of a whole series of revolutionary events gripping the Atlantic world during the three-quarters of a century from 1775 to 1848–49. Like the French Revolution, these were all profoundly affected by, and impacted on, America in ways rarely examined and discussed in broad context… Its political and institutional innovations grounded a wholly new kind of republic embodying a diametrically opposed social vision built on shared liberty and equal civil rights. The Revolution commenced the demolition of the early modern hierarchical world of kings, aristocracy, serfdom, slavery, and mercantilist colonial empires, initiating its slow, complex refashioning into the basic format of modernity.
“An anachronistic approach to the Revolution—that is, interpreting an event in a manner that is inconsistent with, or not relevant to, the general historical conditions prevailing at the time of its occurrence—works against an understanding of the event and the subsequent development of American and world history. As Wood writes in The Radicalism of the American Revolution, the democratic principles of the revolution called into question the previously unquestionable:
“Americans now recognized that slavery in a republic of workers was an aberration, “a peculiar institution,” and that if any Americans were to retain it, as southern Americans eventually did, they would have to explain and justify it in new racial and anthropological ways that their former monarchical society had never needed. The revolution in effect set in motion ideological and social forces that doomed the institution of slavery in the North and led inexorably to the Civil War.” [The 1619 Project and the Racialist Falsification of History]
Nancy wrote this:
“they must still provide an accurate account of the historical context and political constraints which led to the decisions of the Founders. No such analysis is provided by the authors of the 1619 Project.”
Do you hold every historian who writes about the decisions of the Founders to the same standard? It is “accurate” when students read a history that does NOT mention that many of the Founders were racist and were perfectly content to let slavery continue? Is it “accurate” to tell a history of the founding of this nation while leaving out any comprehensive study of the racism of the founders? Who gets to decide whether it is “accurate” to write a history that barely suggests that maybe a few founders were racist but the majority were upright non-racists who wanted nothing more than to abolish slavery and tried so hard to end it? Is that the “accurate history” you believe is true? That the Founders were non-racists who wanted slavery to end so badly that they decided not to do a single thing to end it?
Is it “accurate” to say Abraham Lincoln opposed slavery and teach students that alone? White historians seem to believe that qualifies as “accurate” and aren’t out there banning every single history book that teaches that Lincoln opposed slavery. However, they often strenuously object as “inaccurate” any mention of Lincoln’s racist actions or words. Historians claim those things are unimportant and can be left out and the history will be “accurate”. But if you mention them it will be “inaccurate” because people might think that Lincoln had some racist beliefs and apparently white historians insist that Lincoln never had a racist thought in his life.
Privileged white folks get to decide what “accurate” means? Nothing proves the continuous racism in our country than this belief that “accuracy” means including whatever white people say is important and leaving out anything white people say is not important.
How’s that “demolition of aristocracy” going, Nance? Four hundred wealthy families own America and evidently, the inherited wealth of men like Walter Hussman steer them to prioritize the positive that benefits them and to silence the negative that potentially harms them.
Those “preeminent scholars”, most at legacy admission schools, what did they do with their platforms, over their long teaching careers, to remind students and the public about the Tulsa massacre?
On July 4, 1854, the famous abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison set fire to a copy of the US Constitution, calling it “A covenant with death and an agreement with hell.” He advocated for the breakup of the Union because of our government’s protection of slavery. Nine years before, he wrote that “It matters not what is the theory of the government [reference to the Declaration of Independence] if the practice of the government be unjust and tyrannical.” To this famous white abolitionist, the Union was so corrupt it needed to be destroyed, so a true Union could finally be created.
There is a long and deep tradition of citizens in the US who have acted on the belief that their beloved nation was so corrupted by slavery and racism that it had to be destroyed before it could be made right. Unlike what these historians argue, abolitionists–and the 1619 crowd that follows in their footsteps– were about as far from being cynics as anyone could possibly be. Instead their deep belief in the ideals of 1776 drove them to condemn the nation that had so obviously soiled these ideals through slavery and racism.
This week we have been discussing the Tulsa massacre of 1921. The extrajudicial murder of Black people continues. Systemic racism still imprisons our society in all sorts of inequality. It is not cynical and it is deeply American to condemn our “theory of government if the practice of the government be unjust and tyrannical.”
1619 is a much needed attempt to reacquaint students with the tough love of the abolitionists. Blacks live in a world shaped by Tulsa and murders like that of George Floyd. The great historian Edmund Morgan studied the link between slavery and freedom (for whites) in colonial Virginia. To him it was clear that the profession of love of equality from our Founding Fathers in 1776 was watered with the blood of African slaves. Were they worried that the British Empire might ruin their precious liberty by freeing their slaves? 1619 is a much needed path for students to explore our deepest national sin: that in order for whites to see themselves as free, Blacks must know their place. Until we get straight about this, we will stew in our own hypocrisy.
I have read what I think is the only book from a left-wing perspective that is concerned with historical truth. It is called “The New York Times’ 1619 Project and the Racialist Falsification of History.” (available from Amazon: https://www.amazon.com/Times-Project-Racialist-Falsification-History/dp/1893638936/) This might be the book that reader Nancy was referring to. It includes extensive interviews with the four historians who joined with Wilentz in writing the letter to the New York Times as well as interviews with Adolph Reed (Univ of Pennsylvania) and Clayborne Carson (Stanford — editor of the Martin Luther King Jr. Papers) and others.
There is also an essay refuting the “1776 Report” of the Trump administration, but pointing out that the NYT 1619 Project opens the door for these most virulent reactionaries to whip up jingoism, patriotism and anti-communism. By putting 1619 forward as the “true founding” of America as a nation based solely on white racism, the 1619 Project frames history, and slavery, as a moral question transcending historical context, ignoring the economic driving forces of history.
Because of the criticisms published in “The New York Times’ 1619 Project and the Racialist Falsification of History” Nikole Hannah-Jones and Jake Silverstein have subsequently changed their tune and backed off from claiming the Project is a “history,” but is “story-telling.” However, they are still pushing the 1619 Project to be incorporated into history curriculums in public schools, where it can only result in stoking up racial hostilities between black and white students and obscuring the real social divide between the wealthy who have become even richer during the pandemic and the vast millions of working people of all colors and nationalities.
I find it interesting that you embrace the 1776 report despite the many, many documented problems but you don’t like the 1619 project because you hold things written by a non-white to a different and much higher standard. Reminds me of police who claim not to be racist but they decide that a white teen shooting an assault weapon at them needs to be treated with restraint while an unarmed African American teen running away from them needs to be aggressively harmed.
You give a pass to those who stoke up racial hostilities because they are white, but spend all your time looking for any reason to condemn someone who isn’t white even when what they do is not even close to what the white folks whose racism doesn’t bother you at all do.
It’s implicit racism. The actual racism of white folks doesn’t bother nearly as much as your extreme fear that racist white people won’t like it if their racism is pointed out. So your anger and hate is directed at those who point out racism!
In Nazi Germany there were people who condemned the Jews who spoke out about Nazi antisemitism. Those people blamed those Jews for not accepting the Nazi explanation that there was nothing wrong with having them wear yellow stars and pass laws that limited what Jews could do. Those people felt sympathy for the Nazis and portrayed them as victims while the Jews who called out antisemitism were the ones they criticized. And then they went further and said that they could understand why Nazis would hate Jews after being criticized so harshly by Jews just because they passed some laws making them wear yellow stars and laws that limited them.
Think about why your sympathy is entirely with white racists and you make African Americans who point out that racism the scapegoat. You “understand” that white racists might get very angry and do even more racist and violent things if someone points out their racism, but you condemn it when someone who has been victimized by racism gets even a little angry. For you, someone who is white who gets called a racist is the real victim in America and their anger is justified.
Just like Nazis believed they were the real victims of Jews who called them antisemites.
Only feeling sympathy for perpetrators and not victims because of the color of their skin or religion is wrong.
Victim-blaming is a tool of the right-wing extremists. Thank you for your cogent dissection of the this classic tactic.
(Ugh…not “the this,” just “this.” My phone hates me.)
You are mistaken if you think my comment is in any way supporting the 1776 Report, or racism OF ANY KIND. My comment says there is an essay REFUTING the 1776 Report. You should read it.
The book I referred to, “The New York Times’ 1619 Project and the Racialist Falsification of History” provides a sharp analysis of the American Revolution and the Civil War and their place in the bourgeois revolutions of the 17th-19th centuries. It is not about “blaming” or morality or “sympathy.” It is about understanding the objective world in its development.