Archives for the year of: 2013

I have tried to stay informed about what was happening to Venice High School in Los Angeles.

It was confusing.

The community, with no notice, was offered a choice: take Steve Barr’s pilot school or you will get a charter school. Remember Barr, the founder of the Green Do charters, an entrepreneur, not an educator.

Who was making the decisions?

Why no consultation?

Why the haste?

A parent at VHS explains the back story here.

It is a fascinating story involving Superintendent John Deasey, newly re-elected board member Steve Zimmer, and other players. It seems the re-election of Zimmer upset a lot of apple carts.

LA Times reporter Teresa Watanabe gives a good accounting of what happened at Venice High School in Los Angeles.

The LAUSD board approved an “incubator school” to teach middle school students how to start their own business. How cool is that!?

However, the Venice community–parents and students–reacted negatively and the business school for pre-teens may have to go elsewhere.

Ah, innovation. What will they think of next? Day trading in kindergarten?

A friend who works for a major education association attended the EdWeek sponsored event about the Common Core express in Indianapolis (you know, get on it now before it leaves the station). He was aware of my concern that Education Week, which is supposed to be a nonpartisan source of news and information, has become a cheerleader for Common Core and has failed to give equal time to those who have doubts about its wisdom or efficacy. To be sure, Education Week has some excellent reporters, who maintain the highest standards of journalistic integrity, but the corporate entity is on board the corporate reform train.
He sent this report from Indianapolis:
I can now say without reservation that EdWeek is not neutral.  In fact, the entire event was dripping with subtle yet unmistakable references to pro-corporate reform propaganda.  Below is a list of references to corporate reform that I noticed as the day unfolded:
  1. The event was sponsored by Wireless Generation, a division of Rupert Murdoch’s Amplify.  The backdrop of the stage was literally covered in the logos of EdWeek and Wireless Generation.
  2. Cari Miller, policy advisor for Jeb Bush’s FEE, was in the audience.  Several TFA’ers also were on the roster.
  3. The Superintendent from Hillsboro County Schools in FL, MaryEllen Elia, was one of the keynote speakers. During her presentation,During another discussion, there was heavy promotion of A-F grading and the parent trigger in OH being tied to CCSS.  I didn’t make the connection between CCSS and those two issues, but the fact that it was discussed was puzzling to me.
    1. She devoted a significant portion of her talk to the ways they have incorporated CCSS into their teacher evaluation system, including the upcoming assessments.
    2. She bragged about recruiting parents to promote pro-CCSS materials to the PTAs within the district.  Brainwashing parents through “moles” among PTAs.
    3. She said that she discourages teachers from advancing to administration so that they can become “teacher leaders” while staying in the classroom.  And while I appreciate the sentiment, my cynicism lead me to believe that this discouragement was based on a desire to leave room in administration for Broad-trained folks.
    4. She bragged about her ability to get the business community in her county (corporate involvement) to stand behind CCSS.  “If business supports the CCSS, it takes the pressure of educators…”
    5. In response to a question from the audience regarding teacher training, she openly criticized teacher ed programs saying (paraphrase), “I question if higher ed is where it needs to be.  Professors simply aren’t engaged in what is happening in schools.  FL is putting stress on grading the Depts of Education in our state.
  4. During another discussion, there was heavy promotion of A-F grading and the parent trigger in OH being tied to CCSS.  I didn’t make the connection between CCSS and those two issues, but the fact that it was discussed was puzzling to me.
  5. There was promotion of personalized learning from a RTTT-d winner in the audience.  I don’t disagree with personalized learning per se, but in the context of corporate reform, it almost always means the promotion of digital education.
  6. During a lunch discussion, a renegade school administrator spoke out against CCSS during a Q&A session.  As she bemoaned decades of “the latest and greatest innovation,” the EdWeek staffers looked panicked.  It tells you something when those who are putting on an event become concerned when someone shares candid remarks.
  7. Virginia Edwards, EdWeek’s editor, lost all credibility with me as she wrapped up the lunchtime Q&A.  She spoke in reference to the “renegade” I just wrote about and said to the audience (paraphrasing), “I’m not trying to be a supporter of the CCSS, but if you’re not going to support CCSS now, then when?  Journalism had to change or we would have died.  In the same way, teachers have to get hip or die…but I still remain agnostic toward the CCSS.”
Diane, I had to leave after that.  I couldn’t take it anymore.  It was so blatantly pro-corporate reform that I had to get out.  I have made the decision that I will no longer renew my membership to EdWeek.  My hope is that your new Network for Public Ed will develop a strong enough voice to counteract the forces driving this corporate agenda.

Jonathan Pelto reminds us of the national publicity about a homeless woman who was arrested and fined for the crime of enrolling her child in the Norwalk public schools when she was not a resident of that city in Connecticut.

Now Governor Dannell Malloy has nominated a woman to the state board of education even though she was in the same dispute with the Windsor schools a decade ago. But it is okay for her because she is not an indigent woman. In fact, she is the Chief Operations Officer for FUSE/Jumoke, the charter school management company that operates Jumoke Academy.

That makes a big difference.

Be afraid. Be very afraid.

Leonie Haimson of Class Size Matters in New York City has prepared the following report about threats to the privacy of children, families, and teachers.

She reports as follows:

“The Gates Foundation and Wireless Generation (owned by Rupert Murdoch’s News Corporation) have formed something called “Shared Learning Collaborative,” which has now been turned into a new corporation called inBloom, Inc.

This corporation will collect confidential student and teacher data provided by states and districts across the country and will share it with software vendors and other commercial enterprises.

Your child’s data will be used to develop and market products.

Data will be gathered about students and teachers in New York City; Guilford County, North Carolina; Jefferson County, Colorado; Normal, Illinois and Bloomington, Illinois; Everett, Massachusetts; and Louisiana (the entire state).

In phase II, data will be collected in Delaware, Georgia, and Kentucky.

What will be collected and disseminated for marketing purposes?

Personally identifiable information, including student names, grades, test scores, disciplinary and attendance records, and possibly race/ethnicity and disability status.

The records will be stored in an electronic data bank built by Wireless Generation, a subsidiary of News Corporation. News Corporation is owned by Rupert Murdoch and is currently under investigation in Great Britain for hacking into private communications of individuals.

InBlooms Inc. will retain this information and make it available to commercial vendors to help them develop and market “learning products.”

All of this confidential information will be “put on a cloud managed by Amazon.com, with few if any protections against data leakage. inBloom, Inc. has already stated that it “cannot guarantee the security of the information stored…or that the information will not be intercepted when it is being transmitted” to third party vendors.

Haimson makes the following recommendations:

“1. Notify all parents of this impending disclosure, and provide them with the right to consent;

2. Hold public hearings for parents to express their concerns about the plan’s potential to violate our children’s privacy, security, and safety;

3. Explain how families can obtain relief if their children are harmed by improper use or accidental release of this information, including who will be held financially responsible;

4. Affirm that the privacy rights of public school children are respected more than the interests of the Gates Foundation, the Shared Learning Collaborative, News Corporation, inBloom, Inc., or any other company or organization with whom this confidential information may be shared.”

Haimson urges all parents to contact their PTA, their local school board, and their state board of education to protest “this unprecedented violation of the privacy right of children and families.”

Darcie Cimarusti–aka Mother Crusader–has become a scourge to the New Jersey State Education Department. She has taught herself to be a sleuth. And she has mastered the Open Public Records Act to dig for information and connect the dots.

This post is a good example of a parent doing the job of an investigative journalist.

She tracks down the emails between State Commissioner of Education Chris Cerf and an old friend from Edison days who now runs charter schools.

She learns how the state decided to award the friend a grant of $150,000 to plan a charter or cluster of charters in Paterson.

She notes that the state feels no obligation to solicit comment from anyone who lives in Paterson.

Maybe that’s what state control means in New Jersey. Paterson has been without democratic control for 21 years. Cerf can do whatever he wants and needs no one’s participation or consent.

A perfect setup for corporate reformers. While they are putting children first, they can’t wait. Democratic deliberation is a bother.


Professor Henry M. Levin is a distinguished economist and director of the National Center for the Study of Privatization in Education at Teachers College, Columbia University.

He recently participated in a conference in Sweden convened by the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences to review the evidence about the effects of vouchers, which were initiated in 1992. He learned that Swedish performance on international tests has declined since 1995, private school enrollments have grown, social stratification has increased, and the for-profit sector is thriving.

He wrote this post specifically for the blog. It provides important information about the effects of vouchers. We can learn from the Swedish experience, if we are willing to learn.

Professor Levin writes:

In 1992 Sweden adopted a voucher-type plan in which municipalities would provide the same funding per pupil to either public schools or independent (private) schools. There were few restrictions for independent schools, and religious or for-profit schools were eligible to participate. In 1994, choice was also extended to that of public schools where parents could choose either a public or private school. In the early years, only about 2 percent of students chose independent schools. However, since the opening of this century, independent school enrollments have expanded considerably. By 2011-12 almost a quarter of elementary and secondary students were in independent schools. Half of all students in the upper secondary schools in Stockholm were attending private schools at public expense.

On December 3, 2012, Forbes Magazine recommended for the U.S. that: “…we can learn something about when choice works by looking at Sweden’s move to vouchers.” On March 11 and 12, 2013, the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences did just that by convening a two day conference to learn what vouchers had accomplished in the last two decades. Interest in the subject had been piqued by several developments including the dramatic growth in private school enrollments and a fairly precipitous decline in Swedish performance on international tests. Results in reading, science, and mathematics had fallen at all grade levels from 1995 to the present in the international studies.

In addition there was evidence of increased stratification and segregation of students by socio-economic status and ethnicity over the same period. Finally, there were concerns about the reportedly substantial profits being amassed by the independent schools from public funds.

The conference comprised a Swedish audience with both Swedish presenters supplemented by a few international experts (Austria, Finland, UK, and U.S.). I was assigned to provide an overview on “Evaluating Consequences of Educational Evaluation. In the remainder of this note I describe the overall framework that I used and my conclusions.

As in all of the analyses on school choice and vouchers of our National Center for the Study of Privatization, I presented the four criteria that we use for evaluation of particular schemes: freedom of choice, productive efficiency, equity, and social cohesion. I also discussed how design of the plans draws upon three policy instruments: finance, regulation, and support services. The details of design are crucial for shaping the outcomes of choice and voucher plans.

In using these criteria for evaluation, I employed the research evidence that had emerged on the Swedish voucher system. This compendium of research comprised a number of highly sophisticated studies on the impact of the system on student achievement and student stratification. The following was my verdict:

  • On the criterion of Freedom of Choice, the approach has been highly successful. Parents and students have many more choices among both public schools and independent schools than they had prior to the voucher system.
  • On the criterion of productive efficiency, the research studies show virtually no difference in achievement between public and independent schools for comparable students. Measures of the extent of competition in local areas also show a trivial relation to achievement. The best study measures the potential choices, public and private, within a particular geographical area. For a 10 percent increase in choices, the achievement difference is about one-half of a percentile. Even this result must be understood within the constraint that the achievement measure is not based upon standardized tests, but upon teacher grades. The so-called national examination result that is also used in some studies is actually administered and graded by the teacher with examination copies available to the school principal and teachers well in advance of the “testing”. Another study found no difference in these achievement measures between public and private schools, but an overall achievement effect for the system of a few percentiles. Even this author agreed that the result was trivial.

In evaluating these results, we must also keep in mind that the overall performance of the system on externally administered and evaluated tests used for international comparisons showed substantial declines over the last fifteen years for Sweden. For those who are interested in the patterns of achievement decline across subjects and grades, I have provided the enclosed powerpoint presentation.

We also heard from Swedish researchers that the independent schools were putting considerable resources into marketing, including using teachers to serve the marketing function. My conclusion was that there is little evidence of improved productive efficiency from the initiation of the Swedish voucher system.

  • With respect to equity, a comprehensive, national study sponsored by the government found that socio-economic stratification had increased as well as ethnic and immigrant segregation. This also affected the distribution of personnel where the better qualified educators were drawn to schools with students of higher socio-economic status and native students. The international testing also showed rising variance or inequality in test scores among schools. No evidence existed to challenge the rising inequality. Accordingly, I rated the Swedish voucher system as negative on equity.
  • Finally, there was no direct assessment of the effect of the system on social cohesion. This criterion refers to the quest of schools to prepare students for successful participation in social, economic, and political institutions requiring a common set of skills and capabilities for mutual interaction, communication, and democratic behavior. No evidence was available. Although I did not provide a conclusive judgment for this criterion, one might surmise that the increasing stratification represents an obstacle to social cohesion.

This evaluation was well-received, in part, because it was presented matter-of-factly and with clear reference to the evidence. There was no disagreement over the existing evidence by the assemblage. Among the industrialized countries, only three have a universal voucher or choice system Chile, Holland, and Sweden. Some would also argue that Belgium qualifies in this category. The former three countries have very different designs with the Dutch system being the most highly regulated and devoting the most attention to equity. Even so, the tracking that takes place at age 12 in the Netherlands between vocational and academic secondary schools has important equity consequences in terms of socio-economic stratification. Although based upon choice, the available choices available to a student are heavily dependent on her achievement test results. The Chilean system has witnessed an increasingly notable stratification of the population, both within and between public and private sectors. Students from more educated and wealthier families are found in the private schools which receive public funding, but can choose which students to accept from among applicants. The Chilean system allows schools to charge additional fees beyond the voucher, also favoring more advantage families.

I have enclosed the powerpoint slides from my presentation. These provide further details on the overall evaluation framework and the basis for my conclusions for Sweden. Those who wish to peruse our collection of more than 200 papers on choice and privatization should check the website of the National Center for the Study of Privatization in Education (www.ncspe.org) or contact me at HL361@columbia.edu.

Click below to download the powerpoint

Swedish Educational Privatization-1

You must read EduShyster’s description of “reform” in Minneapolis, which she calls “Minnsanity.” Folks, you can’t make this stuff up.

Is there a method in their madness? Do they have any evidence for what they are doing? If it fails and fails, and they do the same thing over and over, what do you call it?

Stories like these convince me that the unrealistic claims of reformers can’t go on forever. At some point, the bills come due. At some point, reality intrudes.

Policy must have some relationship to evidence. High expectations are well and good, but they are no substitute for evidence, proof, reality.

I was invited to debate a state leader in Baton Rouge on March 14. The leader who accepted was Chas Roemer, president of theBoard of Elementary and Secondary Education. Chas is a strong supporter of Governor Bobby Jindal’s “reforms” of massive privatization through vouchers nd charters and outsourcing students and taxpayer to for-profit corporations.

Chas was educated at Harvard. His father was governor. His sister runs the state charter school association.

Each of us was allotted 15 minutes, followed by Q&A.

Here are the videos.

I thought it was fun.

The Network for Public Education has released a statement condemning the Rahm Emanuel administration for the outrageous school closings in Chicago.

Parents, teachers, administrators, and concerned citizens must speak up and act out against this horrendous and arrogant action by Mayor Rahm Emanuel.