Archives for the year of: 2013

Sam Chaltain, one of our very thoughtful bloggers, urged that we try to find common ground with those who disagree with our views. That is usually sound advice. In the present instance, there are so many who say they want to privatize public education, and whose motives are not disguised, that it is hard to know how to find common ground. I think, for example, of ALEC, the Koch brothers, the governors and legislatures of North Carolina, Tennessee, Wisconsin, and many other states that have made it clear they prefer private management, for-profit vendors, and vouchers, not public education.

Here is an interesting comment on this discussion from a teacher in Douglas County, Colorado:

I think the big problem is that we don’t live in a democracy. This isn’t just an issue around education. Would be easy to find common ground. . . well if we all were on equal ground.

I’m reading Dr. Jim Wallis’ book titled “On God’s Side.”

Here are some quotes that fit so well with this whole issue and why I don’t think there is common ground.

“It’s time we stated the obvious truth: the last remaining obstacle to democracy is the dominant power of rich people, their money, and their institutions over the political process, a power that absolutely corrupts democracy.” Jim Wallis

“Smith said capitalism can’t function properly without a moral framework. Another proponent of capitalism, Austrian economist Joseph Schumpeter, agreed and said that without ethics, the market ends up devouring everything else and , finally, even itself.” Jim Wallis

“It takes the power of movements to change politics. Change never starts in Washington or in our legislatures or houses of government; it almost always begins outside of politics. If public momentum can be built among millions of people, change eventually arrives in the nation’s capital.” Jim Wallis

So Dr. Ravitch, Thank you for helping lead the movement!!

Is she right? Can you find common ground when those at the top have so much power and so little reason to compromise?

Michelle Rhee penned an article about how to fix the public schools of Philadelphia. She says it is time for performance pay, so that there is “a great teacher” in every classroom. She apparently is unaware that merit pay has been tried for nearly a century and has never worked, not in any district. It causes teaching to the test, narrowing the curriculum, gaming the system, rivalry among colleagues, and cheating. It does not improve education.

She says that there is no point in pouring more money into a “broken” system, but does she know that the public schools of Philadelphia have been under state control for a dozen years? Who “broke” the system?

Nowhere does she mention that the district is underfunded as compared to the surrounding suburbs, nor does she mention that Governor Corbett cut the budget across the state by $1 billion, which had a disproportionate impact on struggling Philadelphia.

There is no way to avoid the state’s responsibility to fund the district adequately.

If you are anywhere near Philadelphia, you will have a chance to hear Michelle Rhee on September 16, and to hear me on September 17 at the Free Library.

Some of the discussion today has centered on the issue of competition, control, and profits.

New York City has been closing down hospitals that once enjoyed a hefty public subsidy but are now expected to pay for themselves or turn a profit. After these hospitals were turned over to private corporations, the pressure to make a profit brought about the closure of several major hospitals.

One of the hospitals slated for closure is Long Island College Hospital. Founded in 1858, the hospital serves several communities in Brooklyn. At some point in the not distant past, it was off-loaded to a for-profit corporation, which them passed it on to a state agency. But, unfortunately, the hospital doesn’t make any money, so its managers want to close it. Local politicians, including Bill de Blasio–who ran first in the Democratic primary for mayor–are fighting the closure of LICH.

Now, all this might seem arcane, but I have one important fact to share about LICH: It saved my life. In 1998, I felt very ill about 7 p.m., when it was impossible to reach a doctor, had a sharp pain in one leg, and walked to LICH. I was quickly diagnosed with deep-vein thrombosis and a pulmonary embolism. If I had not been able to get to the hospital that night, I would not have survived until morning. Both my lungs were rapidly filling up with blood. In a matter of hours, I would have died had I not had a neighborhood hospital. I stayed in the emergency room for a day, and in intensive care for two days, and was hospitalized for a week.

And soon this hospital will close. People will have to travel long distances in a city where traffic is often snarled to find emergency care. During Mayor Bloomberg’s nearly 12 years in office, about a dozen similar hospitals have closed, including the legendary St. Vincent’s in Greenwich Village, where AIDS patients found respite from their suffering at a time when no one wanted to treat them.

Here is the part I don’t understand: Why should hospitals be expected to make money? Doesn’t society have an obligation to keep them accessible to the public? In what sense does competition and the demand for profit improve hospitals? I don’t get it.

Nancy Flanagan, a retired music teacher in Michigan, NBCT, 30+ years of experience, is one of our best teacher-bloggers. Unlike the pundits who observe the schools from 30,000 feet above ground, Nancy knows whereof she speaks.

In this post, she tries to understand what is behind all the snarky comments and previews of my book, which will debut tomorrow. Some people who never read it denounced it. Some who did said, “yes-but,” and some who know they will definitely not like it nonetheless say they are my “friend” or that I was their “mentor.”

This is her punchline:

I am guessing that on Tuesday there will be an outpouring of positive reviews (spoiler: mine), but right now, the conversation is focused on a kind of general unwillingness to say: this book calls it as Ravitch sees it, and there are a lot of practitioners who increasingly believe she sees it as it is.

Nancy writes:

“If I had read Ravitch’s book five years ago, I may have thought it harsh. When you’re going off to school every day, critiques of education policy take a backseat to lesson plans, and what’s coming downstream from administrators and the school board. But the mass of evidence Ravitch collected in the very recent past, and her conclusions, are stunning.

It’s clear that have [we have] moved precipitously into an entirely new era of public education. People are scrambling to take sides, and it’s pretty clear that lots of publishers, organizations, nonprofits, thought leaders and decision-makers don’t want to come down too hard on their funding streams and future prospects. There’s been a sea change in thinking about the core value of public education in American life–swings in civic opinion, changes in revenue sources, an open invitation to make a foundational public good “entrepreneurial.”

Nancy’s review of the book will appear in the next day or two. But she is right here. I could not have written “Reign of Error” five years ago because circumstances were very different. What has happened since 2009 has indeed been breathtaking. Some of our political leaders welcome the introduction of venture capital into public education. Some sneer at teachers openly, treating them as bottom-feeders, although those who sneer would not last an hour in a classroom.

Five years ago, I would not have said that the future of public education is on the line. Today, it is.

Please take the time to read Kenneth Bernstein’s fine review of “Reign of Error” at the Daily Kos.

TeacherKen, as he is known online, has read the book carefully and taken the time to explain its major themes.

I think you will enjoy reading his thoughtful review.

I know I will take my lumps for leading the charge against the attacks on public education.

I am grateful that those with many years of experience in the classroom, like TeacherKen, appreciate the book.

These words from TeacherKen will resonate with me when I find myself the target of those who sling mud at me rather than engage in civil debate.

TeacherKen writes:

I find myself very much in tune with the thrust of this book.  As important as her previous book was, Ravitch has outdone that with this magnum opus.  

In the beginning, she laid out what she intended to do.  As should be clear, I believe she more than achieved her goals.  It is the opinion of this reviewer, me, a retired teacher who returned to the classroom to make a difference, in part at the urging of Ravitch, that this book is by far her finest work, and is something with which everyone truly concerned about education should read.

I am going to allow Ravitch to close this review, by quoting in their entirety her final three paragraphs, while noting that her final sentence is clearly a push-back at the rhetoric used by some in the “reform” movement.

If you care about the future of public education, and if you care about the future of American democracy (because the two are inextricably intertwined), read this book.

 

 

 

Sam Chaltain is one of our most thoughtful bloggers.

This is his review of Reign of Error, which appears in his regular column in Education Week.

I appreciated his connection of this book to the work of the muckrakers. It is a comparison that I made in my own mind, but kept to myself because I was loathe to be so bold as to associate myself with the bold reformism of such giants as Jacob Riis, Lincoln Steffens, Ida B. Wells, Ida Tarbell, Rachel Carson, and Ralph Nader, among many others. They saw injustice, and they wrote frankly and without equivocation or moderation to awaken the public. And the public, once aroused, demanded change from the status quo. This is a tradition I would proudly associate myself with, but with a deep sense of humility.

But Sam goes on to say that he thinks I went too far. He thinks I am too critical of the reformers and should have found common ground with them. Surely there will be others who agree.

I must confess that I can’t find common ground with ALEC. I can’t find common ground with governors and legislators who think of ways to degrade the teaching profession, to eliminate academic freedom for teachers, to cut their pensions, to cut their pay, to grade them by invalid measures like VAM. Nor can I find common ground with big corporations running charter schools and displacing community public schools, nor with for-profit charter schools.

I would like to find reformers who share common ground with me and with the nation’s teachers on the issues of child health and nutrition, on the issue of the malevolent effects of poverty on children’s lives. I would like to find reformers who want to collaborate–not compete–with the community public schools.

As Sam points out, democracy thrives on disagreement. But to have a disagreement, both sides must have equal access to the media. That has certainly not been the case. I can count on the fingers of one hand the foundations that support public education, the major newspapers that question the closing of public schools to make room for privately managed charters.

Should I have been more conciliatory? I will leave that for readers to judge. The book comes out on Tuesday.

Want to know why the New York Times writes puff piece after puff piece about Teach for America and miraculous charter schools where everyone succeeds?

EduShyster explains it all for you. Excellence loves excellence.

Salon printed today a lengthy excerpt from “Reign of Error.”

Enjoy.

On the other hand, Rupert Murdoch’s New York Post printed a very strongly worded attack on me personally and on the book, calling its arguments “ridiculous.”

Blogger Perdido Street School describes the article in the New York Post in this way:

The writer “accuses Ravitch of making stuff up, ignoring scientific evidence, being a hair-shirt-wearing zealot, engaging in nepotism and taking bribes from the teachers unions.

It’s a hit piece that uses harangue, invective and personal attacks to try and destroy her arguments that the education reform movement is actually a privatization movement.”

And goes on to add:

These attacks serve only to try and marginalize Ravitch as a crazy person, a zealot, and in the case of the New Republic attack, corrupt and vengeful.

They have no place in the Post review, but since the whole Smith review is just vitriol masking as a rebuttal of Ravitch’s book, I see why the writer has so many there. 

That the Post published an attack on Ravitch that is this personal and this fraudulent just goes to show how much she and her arguments are getting under the skin of the corporate reformers.

A few years ago, every time you saw an education story in the news, it almost always contained a corporate reform agenda frame to it.

But that is no longer the case these days, as the reform agenda narrative about charters, choice, merit pay and the like gets challenged.

Diane Ravitch is not the sole reason why the reform agenda gets challenged these days in the media and the culture, but she is certainly a large part of the reason why because she has been the most prominent and outspoken in her challenges to the reform movement and those promoting it.

It is clear from the viciousness of the personal attacks against her that the corporate education reformers and their allies in the corporate media are not taking her critiques lightly.

In a strange way, the more vicious they get, the clearer it becomes that the arguments against the corporate reform agenda made by Ravitch and other critics are starting to take hold.

Finland is generally recognized as one of the
world’s highest performing nations. Over the past decade, Finnish
students have been high performers on the international PISA exams.
In Finnish schools, students never take a standardized test. How is
their progress assessed? By their
teachers.

Finnish educators say that the key to
their success is the high quality of their teachers. Not just a
star here and there, but the profession as a whole has high
standards for entry and for preparation. There are no shortcuts to
becoming a teacher in Finland. Teachers are highly respected, just
as much as other professions.

Finland believes in
high-quality teacher education. Students apply to enter teacher
colleges at the end of high school. The small nation’s eight
teacher preparation institutions are highly selective. Only one of
ten applicants is accepted, based on multiple measures, including
an essay, an entry test, an interview, and evidence of a high
motivation to teach. In addition to studying liberal arts subjects
and the subjects they will teach, future teachers study pedagogy,
theory, and conduct research about education. They learn how to
teach students with disabilities.Tthey take the study of education
seriously. They practice teaching. Preparing to become a teacher
takes five years. Then and only then may they become
teachers.

Higher education is completely free.
Finland views education as a basic human right, and as such, free
of cost to students. Thus, graduates of higher education in Finland
have no student debt to pay off. They can get as much education as
they want at no cost to them, because it is good for
society.

There are no alternative routes into
teaching. There is no Teach for Finland. Nor would anyone be
accepted as a teacher with an online degree. Nor would someone who
had a degree in physics or history be allowed to teach in a Finnish
school unless they had the required pedagogical
preparation.

Once graduates of the pedagogical
institutions become teachers, they have wide latitude about their
daily work in the classroom. Within each school, the principal and
teachers together make many decisions about what and how to teach
The national curriculum provides guidelines, but does not intrude
upon the professionalism of teachers. Teachers are trusted to make
the right decisions about and for their
students.

Finland has a NAEP-style national
assessment, but it is (like NAEP) based on sampling and has no
consequences for students, teachers, or
schools.

Because there is no standardized
testing, teachers are never evaluated by the rise or fall of their
students’ test scores. There is no value-added assessment in
Finland.

Finnish schools have small classes (I
visited three schools and never saw a class with more than 20
students). Finnish teachers use technology as a matter of course.
The arts are very important in Finnish schools, as are recess and
physical education.

Almost every Finnish teacher
and principal belongs to a union. They belong to the same union.
The union represents the interests of the profession in discussions
of national policy. Once a person becomes a teacher, they have
lifetime tenure. Few people leave the profession for which they
have trained so rigorously. The working conditions are good. They
are held in high esteem by their fellow citizens. Why would anyone
want to leave?

In Pasi Sahlberg’s award-winning
book, “Finnish Lessons,” he says that the crucial reforms in
Finnish education were drawn in large part from American educators
like John Dewey. That is why the teaching profession is highly
valued, and the classrooms are student-centered, test-free, and
devoted to the full development of each child’s full
humanity.

Jaime Aquino, the deputy superintendent for instruction in LAUSD, unexpectedly quit his $250,000 a year post, although he plans to stay until the end of the year.

The story is that he was disheartened by the change in the board, in which progressive members took control away from the corporate reform bloc controlled by Eli Broad.

Board members expressed dismay about his departure and praised him fulsomely.

Aquino was in charge of Common Core implementation, and rumors are swirling that he may be blamed for the controversial decision to invest $1 billion in iPads, using money that was approved by voters for 25-year school construction bonds.

Aquino was a graduate of the unaccredited Broad Superintendents Academy. He was hired by John Deasy less than two weeks after Deasy took over.

Clearly Aquino was disappointed when the corporate reform bloc lost control and was reduced to only 2 votes on the board.

He personally donated $1,000 to the political campaign of Monica Garcia, the school board president, who was supported by the Eli Broad/Villaraigosa funders.

A teacher sent me the following comment: ” I am a K-5 arts teacher with LAUSD.   Jaime came to speak to the arts teachers when he was newly hired and bluntly stated that he had shut down arts schools in the past for teaching “frivolous arts activities”.  I hope our next Dean of Instruction makes the arts a priority in our district.”