Archives for category: KIPP Charter Schools

My friend Mike Petrilli at the conservative Thomas B. Fordham Institute recently sent me a post from the Institute’s daily blog called “Chartering the Future” by Andy Smarick. Mike sent it with a note, saying, “you won’ t like this.” He’s right, I didn’t like it at all. And yet, if you read to the end, you will see that Andy and I end up in agreeing on one important point.

The post is a summary of Smarick’s new book; he argues that urban school systems are so broken that they should be eliminated and replaced by charters, lots and lots of charters. In a previous article in the conservative journal Education Next, Smarick argued that “turnarounds” are a waste of time because broken schools can’t be fixed, they must be closed, abandoned and replaced by charters. The article was called “The Turnaround Fallacy,” and the subtitle was “Stop trying to fix failing schools. Close them and start fresh.”

I won’t get into an extended exegesis of the works of Mr. Smarick, whom I knew slightly in my final days as a member of the board of the Thomas B. Fordham Institute. Suffice it to say that his arguments begin with the assumption that the schools and the system are broken, whereas I have concluded that the schools are struggling to educate children who have been harmed by poverty and societal neglect. Their low scores are a symptom of social failure, in my view, more often than they are a grade of school or teacher quality. If poverty is the cause of low academic performance, as it appears to be on every standardized test and in every nation, then we might see better results by reducing poverty than by opening charter schools.

The fact that a small handful of charter schools get different results is not proof that all charter schools can get equally wonderful test scores. Bill Bennett used to say that one example of success was an “existence proof” of what could be done with sufficient determination. But you might just as well say that if one man–or 50–can run a four-minute mile, then we should expect all men and women to run a four-minute mile. After all, there is an existence proof, and now there is more than one. So why can’t everyone do it?

So far as I can tell from Andy Smarick’s resume, he has never been a teacher or worked in a school. He had something to do with starting up a KIPP, but the rest of his resume speaks of his ascendance in the world of policy wonks, rising through the ranks in Republican circles, at the state and federal level. He worked as a legislative assistant to a Republican congressman; he was chief operating officer for the National Alliance for Public Charter Schools; he worked for a time in Governor Christie’s Department of Education; he did something in the George W. Bush administration; he worked with Bellwether Education Partners, a D.C. consulting group run by TIME columnist Andy Rotherham. He is now associated with two Beltway conservative think tanks: the Thomas B. Fordham Institute and the American Enterprise Institute.

With his impressive list of credentials, there are two that he does not have: he has never been a teacher in an urban school, and he has no qualifications as a researcher or scholar of education.  He is a policy person through and through. He is, in today’s parlance, a wonk. That’s the sort of person that James Scott of Yale wrote about in his insightful book called Seeing Like a State.

People who “see like a state” always have large ideas about how to re-arrange other people’s lives from 30,000 feet up. They are the sort of people who raze neighborhoods to make way for a highway or redirect rivers to achieve some lofty goal. They don’t care much about the people whose lives they disrupt. That’s not their problem.

Smarick doesn’t like public education. He likes privately managed charter schools getting public money. Given his limited experience, I wonder whether he has ever spent any time in good urban public schools. I doubt it.

Nothing that I have seen from his pen acknowledges that charters experience failure on the same scale as public schools. Nothing acknowledges that urban charters get no different results from public schools unless they somehow manage to minimize the number of students with disabilities and students who are English language learners and to exclude the students with behavioral and academic problems.

If this is the case, then what exactly would be accomplished by dismantling urban public education and handing it over to entrepreneurs?

But let me take a case at hand. On this blog, some weeks ago, I posted “the KIPP challenge.” I said that I was prepared to accept the miracle of KIPP if KIPP would agree to take over an entire troubled urban school system and leave no child behind. Take all the children–the motivated, the unmotivated, the strivers, the indifferent, the failing, the autistic, the homeless, the just-released from incarceration, the blind, the gifted–all of them, like public schools. Show us how you can scale up. Show us how you can work your magic for all children. The response was a howl of outrage. I was asked, how dare I suggest that KIPP “change its mission.”

Well, as I understand Andy Smarick’s latest statement, he joins me in the KIPP challenge. Find one impoverished district that is willing to invite KIPP in, and let’s see how it works out. Take all the children. Open your doors to all. Do it in one place before imposing it on everyone.

Mike Feinberg is visiting New Zealand to talk about KIPP, and some of the New Zealanders are none too happy about it.

From the attached article, it is clear that they are not thrilled with the “no excuses” doctrine. As one writer says, “If you wouldn’t do this to your own child, why would you do it to other people’s children.”

A reader notes that all schools–whether charter or public–are driven in the wrong direction by the current obsession with test scores. High stakes testing distorts education and contorts it for data purposes. He/she comments:

I teach at a KIPP high school and have been thoroughly disillusioned and am looking to get out as soon as possible. We are absolutely driven by test scores (though I wouldn\’t say that\’s unique to KIPP; I think most schools are feeling the state breathing down their necks these days) and my lesson plans have to account for every minute, and students must produce an \”exit ticket\” every day evaluating what they\’ve learned. Obviously, in high school English, this doesn\’t allow for the fact that you often realize what you\’ve learned a bit further down the road, and it leaves no room for the sort of open-ended, robust debate and discussion of literature that characterized my (middle-class, public school) education. We\’re so busy breaking things down into component parts so we can say that a student can show he\’s mastered indirect characterization or metaphor on a five-minute quiz at the end of class that we never get to the beauty of Tolstoy\’s language or the aching desperation of Hemingway’s ”Hills Like White Elephants.”

My greatest regret is that I moved mountains to get my godson into a KIPP school and turned down an opportunity for him to go to boarding school because I thought it was too elitist. It may have been, but it would have given him a comprehensive education as well.

Paul Thomas is an articulate and prolific critic of the status quo of free market reforms.

In a new article, he analyzes the nature of “no excuses” schooling and why it fails.

Thomas says that the debate about metrics is irrelevant. Getting higher test scores and graduation rates, he argues, doesn’t matter so much as how those rates are produced.

He writes:

The education reform debate is fueled by a seemingly endless and even fruitless point-counterpoint among the corporate reformers—typically advocates for and from the Gates Foundation (GF), Teach for America (TFA), and charter chains such as Knowledge Is Power Program (KIPP)—and educators/scholars of education. Since the political and public machines have embraced the corporate reformers, GF, TFA, and KIPP have acquired the bully pulpit of the debate and thus are afforded most often the ability to frame the point, leaving educators and scholars to be in a constant state of generating counter-points.

This pattern disproportionately benefits corporate reformers, but it also exposes how those corporate reformers manage to maintain the focus of the debate on data. The statistical thread running through most of the point-counterpoint is not only misleading (the claims coming from the corporate reformers are invariably distorted, while the counter-points of educators and scholars remain ignored among politicians, advocates, the public, and the media), but also a distraction.

Since the metrics debate (test scores, graduation rates, attrition, populations of students served, causation/correlation) appears both enduring and stagnant, I want to make a clear statement with some elaboration that I reject the “ends-justify-the-means” assumptions and practices—the broader “no excuses” ideology—underneath the numbers, and thus, we must stop focusing on the outcomes of programs endorsed by the GF or TFA and KIPP.

Instead, we must unmask the racist and classist policies and practices hiding beneath the metrics debate surrounding GF, TFA, and KIPP (as prominent examples of practices all across the country and types of schools).

Whether you agree or not, Thomas’s views deserve a wide hearing.

Let’s discuss what he says. Let’s think about it.

Julian Vasquez Heilig is an education researcher at the University of Texas who keeps close watch on the reform issues of the day. Here is his website: cloakinginequity.com

He wrote a withering critique of Teach for America in the New York Times, calling it “a glorified temp agency.”

He has conducted important research on Teach for America and KIPP that reviews their claims.

Equity in education is the focus of his research.

He is a rising star in the research community.

Michael Paul Goldenberg explains why progressives are suspicious of KIPP and TFA:

There are a couple of key issues that seem to arise (or sit just below the surface) in nearly every conversation about educational policy these days. No one who is critical of the school deform movement (in which I squarely place KIPP and TFA) thinks that because poverty is such a devastating factor that no one should try to create better schools with great teachers, and in other ways to improve education for the nearly 25% of American children living below the poverty line. It’s grossly unfair to suggest that in criticizing deformers, their motives, and their policies, Diane Ravitch and many others are saying, “Until poverty is addressed, do nothing about education.”

KIPP, TFA, and other programs may well have started out as well-intentioned attempts to make things better for underserved students, schools, and neighborhoods despite poverty. But they have morphed over time into fiscal and social conservative models for how to create miracles without needing to address critical social and economic issues. Whether that transformation reflects the political views of those running these programs or simply represents mission slip combined with the influx of capital from those who saw an opportunity to promote panaceas meant to convince politicians and the general public that obviously most public schools were horrible (and please note, this analysis slyly shifts tactics by starting with the neediest, most disadvantaged schools and communities but then creating policies like NCLB that are guaranteed to make the vast majority of public schools appear to be “failing” because of doubtful criteria and truly crazy mathematics). Once the notion that “US public schools are failing” becomes accepted common wisdom, the financial vultures move in with a host of projects that are almost entirely about making a profit from a crisis. This is the way disaster capitalism operates.

So maybe KIPP, TFA, and other magic bullets are “pure of heart,” but looking at them over time, it appears reasonable to start picking at all the ways in which they have become cult-like, absurdly self-promoting, creating and/or believing all the hype that arises about them, and desperately denying any and all criticism raised about what they’re actually doing. And so we hear some people suggesting that these are examples of people really doing something good, really making a difference, and being unfairly bashed by mean-spirited critics like Diane Ravitch.

Two points I have to try to make here. First, KIPP et al., will look either like pawns or frauds as long as they are so unwilling to recognize their role in a national crisis that goes far beyond schools, one that is fundamentally about the concentration of unprecedented wealth and power in the hands of the few coupled with unprecedented levels of poverty and need among a scandalously high percentage of the nation. They fight so hard to stave off reasonable questions and criticism that I can’t see how Schorr expects people not to continue to get a clearer picture of what’s behind the hype.

But perhaps at least as important is the TYPE of education KIPP provides, the kind of teaching TFA promotes, and what that means for students. On my view, KIPP is a very regressive philosophy. It’s “work hard, be nice” mantra sounds wonderful to many people, but to me, given that KIPP is working mostly with poor students of color, it sounds very much like “get back in your place. Don’t complain. Do what you’re told.” And given that there is so much emphasis on chanting, rote, and in general the sort of bunch o’ facts education that none of its wealthy backers and cheerleaders would EVER accept for themselves or their children, it feels racist, classist, and reactionary: designed to ensure that inner-city students of color and poverty are pacified with marginal and minimal skills that will not lead them to satisfying, challenging lives with competitive salaries. Frankly, I would scream if my son were in a KIPP-style school, and so would most educated parents.

I can’t possibly develop this argument completely here, but I hope I’ve raised a couple of key points that will get some folks who don’t understand why there is a great deal of animus towards KIPP, TFA, and other projects coming from progressives. We want a better analysis of the social/economic justice issues to inform the debate. And we want a better kind of education for all students, not just those whose parents can afford Sidwell-Friends and the like. The day President Obama puts his daughters in a KIPP school or one staffed with TFA novices is the day I’ll start considering that he really believes those are fine approaches to education.

Once more unto the breach, dear friends, once more!

Jersey Jazzman has a few choice words for the KIPP shock troops, who appear unable to tolerate a question, let alone a discussion or a debate without sliming those who dare to question their carefully honed image.

Jersey Jazzman corrects some overstatements and errors.

In case you wondered, I read this in Mrs. Ratliff’s class at San Jacinto High School in Houston, Texas, in 1955.

From Shakespeare’s Henry V, Act 3:

KING HENRY V:
Once more unto the breach, dear friends, once more;
Or close the wall up with our English dead.
In peace there’s nothing so becomes a man
As modest stillness and humility:
But when the blast of war blows in our ears,
Then imitate the action of the tiger;
Stiffen the sinews, summon up the blood,
Disguise fair nature with hard-favour’d rage;
Then lend the eye a terrible aspect;
Let pry through the portage of the head
Like the brass cannon; let the brow o’erwhelm it
As fearfully as doth a galled rock
O’erhang and jutty his confounded base,
Swill’d with the wild and wasteful ocean.
Now set the teeth and stretch the nostril wide,
Hold hard the breath and bend up every spirit
To his full height. On, on, you noblest English.
Whose blood is fet from fathers of war-proof!
Fathers that, like so many Alexanders,
Have in these parts from morn till even fought
And sheathed their swords for lack of argument:
Dishonour not your mothers; now attest
That those whom you call’d fathers did beget you.
Be copy now to men of grosser blood,
And teach them how to war. And you, good yeoman,
Whose limbs were made in England, show us here
The mettle of your pasture; let us swear
That you are worth your breeding; which I doubt not;
For there is none of you so mean and base,
That hath not noble lustre in your eyes.
I see you stand like greyhounds in the slips,
Straining upon the start. The game’s afoot:
Follow your spirit, and upon this charge
Cry ‘God for Harry, England, and Saint George!’

Defenders of KIPP sent two comments in response to a post I wrote calling on KIPP to take over an entire small district. Both comments, one from Jonathan Schorr and another from Dr. Daniel Musher, questioned my integrity as a researcher and scholar (and implicitly, as a person, since the insults suggested that I lie, distort and manipulate data).

Be it noted that my post contained no personal insults of any kind. I did not question the integrity of those associated with KIPP. In fact, I said that I like Michael Feinberg, the co-founder of KIPP, who was very welcoming when I visited Houston in 2010. On the few occasions when I have written about KIPP, I have spoken of its success (see my last book). I am not known as a detractor.

But I dared to ask a question. Apparently that is forbidden behavior and turns you into a target.

A word of advice to Jonathan Schorr and Dr. Musher, the infectious diseases specialist who wrote a vitriolic comment: There is such a thing as civil discourse. When disagreeing, stick to the issues and the facts. Do not engage in ad hominem attacks. When you do, it implies that your facts are not adequate to your cause. It does not reflect well on you.

Many people, not part of KIPP, point to KIPP and say that our society need not alleviate poverty because KIPP demonstrates that its methods overcome poverty. If people are distorting KIPP’s purpose, KIPP spokesmen should say so, instead of attacking and insulting those who are alarmed by this fallacious reasoning.

Others say that KIPP is a model for public education. Make explicit what that model is: Strict discipline? Reliance on young teachers to spend 9 hours daily in school and to be on call 24/7?  Longer days and weeks? Spending more? Are these methods scalable to a nation with 80,000 schools and 50 million students? Are they scalable to one small impoverished school district?

I reiterate to friends and supporters of KIPP: It is not appropriate to smear critics.

Engage with them. State your views in a civil tone. Rudeness and vitriol in public discourse do not speak well of your organization.  Remember that people will draw conclusions about your organization by observing your public demeanor.

If you wish people to think well of KIPP, be cordial, be nice.

Recently I issued the KIPP Challenge.

I proposed that KIPP put an end to suspicion that they were skimming students and excluding low-performing students by taking over an entire district. A district with ELLs, special ed, the whole gamut of students. If they did that, they could show their stuff to the world and silence the skeptics.

Then Jersey Jazzman offered Camden, NJ (though he is in no position to offer it). It is distressed. It is not very large. It should be just the right size for the KIPP Challenge.

But what I didn’t know was that KIPP had already run a charter in Camden that failed.

Did Jersey Jazzman hoax me?

Even if it is true, Camden still looks like a perfect candidate for the Challenge due to the receptive political climate in the state.

Jersey Jazzman has a district to give to KIPP for the challenge: Camden, New Jersey.

The stars are aligned.

Chris Christie wants to take away any control from the citizens of Camden anyway.

The Democratic boss is an ally of Christie and won’t put up any resistance.

Chris Cerf, the acting commissioner of education, is a Broadie and he would certainly support the transfer of power to KIPP>

What about it, KIPP?

Take the challenge in Camden.

Take over a low-performing district and show how you can save every single child.

No child left behind.

Their zip code in Camden should not be their destiny.