Archives for category: Education Reform

Dana Milbank of the Washington Post wrote about Trump’s reaction to being impeached: Rage, Ridicule, Denial.

Can you hold this man up as a role model for your children?

He writes:

It was 9:05 Wednesday night. Seven minutes earlier, President Trump received word, in the middle of a campaign speech, that he had been impeached by the House on the second of two articles. And how did he observe this somber moment?

He mocked the widow of the longest-serving House member in history.

“Dingell! Dingell! … Debbie Dingell, that’s a real beauty,” Trump told a crowd in Michigan, the home state of Democratic Rep. Debbie Dingell and the husband she succeeded, John Dingell. He ridiculed the gratitude she showed Trump for her husband’s funeral honors this year. Then he speculated that John Dingell might now be “looking up” from hell. The crowd cheered.

What is wrong with this man?

Trump’s impeachment provoked him to descend still deeper into the depths of demagoguery. His impeachment-night campaign speech — just over two hours long — was an alarming blend of instability and rage.

He was vulgar. He spoke about “the crap that we’re going through” with impeachment, and said of former FBI director James Comey, “I fired his ass.” He tossed in “kiss my ass” and “get your ass whipped” for good measure.

He was bizarre. He complained about inadequate water flow in toilets, sinks and showers (“Drip — it’s no good for me!”).

He was oddly detached. “It doesn’t really feel like we’re being impeached,” he said. Though it’s “a very dark era,” like “with Richard Nixon,” he added: “I’m having a good time.”

And he made his political opponents into monsters: “Band of thieves … do not like our military … witch hunts … maniacs …. betrayed the American people … socialism and blatant corruption.”

The impeached president took a night to sleep on it — or not — then spent Thursday morning in the White House, tweeting and retweeting a stew of insults, paranoia and threats.

“Democrats … will feel the almighty wrath of God!”

“No Nads Nadler needs to Shut the H3LL Up.”

“The Democrats are the ANTITHESIS of what it means to be an American.”

“Our Government was working … to overthrow an [sic] duly elected President!”

Ladies and gentlemen: the president of the United States?

House Republicans, taking their cue from Trump, made the impeachment debate an extravaganza of epithets. “Sham” was alleged 27 times, “charade” 19, “hoax” 11, “socialist” nine, “rigged” eight, “witch hunt” five, “fraudulent” and “star chamber” four apiece. The Republican leader, Rep. Kevin McCarthy (Calif.), induced his colleagues to boo “the new Democrat Socialist base.”

The majority leader, Steny Hoyer (D-Md.), asked what had become of the virtues of “decency, honesty, responsibility and, yes, even civility.” Republicans answered his speech with jeers, including when he mentioned a lawmaker drummed out of the GOP for supporting impeachment, Rep. Justin Amash (I-Mich.), “who represents a Republican district.”

“Not for long!” one of the Republicans called out.

True. You can’t remain in Trump’s party if you acknowledge, as Amash did on the floor Wednesday, that Trump “abused and violated the public trust by using his high office to solicit the aid of a foreign power … for his personal and political gain. His actions reflect precisely the type of conduct the framers of the Constitution intended to remedy through the power of impeachment.”

If there was any agreement in the debate, it was that American democracy is teetering. Five lawmakers — three Democrats and two Republicans — invoked the same Benjamin Franklin quote that the Founders gave us “a Republic, if you can keep it.” The bipartisan consensus: We are in danger of losing it.

Trump tweeted and retweeted in sync about the phony HOAX pathetic SCAM charade WITCH HUNT dirty tricks PRESIDENTIAL HARASSMENT! And this: “Trump has not been impeached.”

Indeed, Trump spoke Wednesday night as if his opponents had been impeached: “Through their depraved actions today, crazy Nancy Pelosi’s House Democrats have branded themselves with an eternal mark of shame.”

The day he died, John Dingell warned of such behavior. In reflections publishedposthumously in The Post, lamenting that “the presidential bully pulpit seems dedicated to sowing division and denigrating, often in the most irrelevant and infantile personal terms, the political opposition.” America achieved its 20th-century greatness, he said, when “we observed modicums of respect even as we fought.”

That is how to keep a Republic.

Teresa Hanafin wrote in the Boston Globe feature called “Fast Forward” about the aftermath of the impeachment vote and about Trump’s bizarre attack on Rep. Debbie Dingell in her home state of Michigan. Usually, when people use the term “X Derangement Syndrome,” they refer to people who become deranged thinking too much about X. In this case, it is Trump who displays his own derangement syndrome, lashing out at any member of Congress who is not his toady, and in the case of his rally yesterday, spewing blatant lies about Rep. Debbie Dingell.

 

So the House of Representatives impeached Trump last night on two articles: Abuse of power and obstruction of Congress. Now what?The Constitution doesn’t address the issue of the House transmitting the articles of impeachment, similar to an indictment, to the Senate for trial. Senate rules say that its trial process won’t begin until House managers give them the articles.

Last night, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi hinted that she will not choose trial managers or send over the articles until she is assured that the Senate will hold a fair trial, which Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell has announced he has no intention of doing. He already has started planning the trial with Trump’s lawyers, which is like a jury plotting with the attorneys for a defendant to get him off.

This scenario of the House withholding the articles was raised by Harvard constitutional scholar Laurence Tribe in an opinion piecein The Washington Post Monday. He argued that the move could strengthen the hand of Chuck Schumer, the Senate’s Democratic leader, as he negotiates with McConnell over the outlines of a trial. Schumer has requested the appearance of four witnesses who refused to testify before the House, including acting chief of staff Mick Mulvaney and former national security adviser John Bolton, a request McConnell immediately rejected. Those would-be witnesses have firsthand knowledge of the Ukraine scheme, which makes their testimony exceedingly dangerous to Trump.

But more substantively, Tribe wrote, “the public has a right to observe a meaningful trial rather than simply learn that the result is a verdict of not guilty.”

McConnell’s sham trial “would fail to render a meaningful verdict of acquittal. It would also fail to inform the public, which has the right to know the truth about the conduct of its president.”

There are a few things that could happen in the Senate. McConnell could just not hold a trial, although Trump wants to be acquitted so that he can tout that on the campaign trail. In another scenario, under Senate rules, four Republicans can go to McConnell and insist that he come up with mutually agreeable guidelines for a fair trial, including the calling of witnesses. I’m not sure how long it takes for a human to grow a spine, so that scenario might not be realistic.

Since the notion that the Senate doesn’t start its trial process until it receives the articles of impeachment from the House is a Senate rule, could McConnell and the GOP simply change that rule to say that the formality of receiving the articles isn’t necessary, that a trial can start as soon as the House votes?

McConnell spoke on the floor of the Senate this morning, but he gave no hint of his next move, and instead spent his time trashing the House.


Meanwhile, an angry, red-faced Trump predictably lashed out at anyone within reach during his campaign rally last night, but his attack on Democratic Congresswoman Debbie Dingell and her late husband John was beyond shameful. And it was stunning that he did it in the Dingells’ home state of Michigan, a state that John Dingell, a World War II vet, represented in Congress for more than 59 years, making him the longest-serving member of Congress in US history.

After John announced his retirement in 2014, Debbie was elected to replace him, and has been reelected twice. It’s safe to say that the Dingells are beloved in many quarters of Michigan.

When John died in February, Trump followed standard protocol and ordered flags lowered to half-staff. He then called Debbie to brag about what he did, and she thanked him. But in Trump’s mind, that standard presidential act put Debbie in his debt, because everything is a quid pro quo to him.

Which brings us to last night. Why Trump decided to go after Debbie Dingell is perplexing; perhaps he saw video of Pelosi taking Debbie’s hand and the two of them walking together into the House chamber to vote on impeachment. At any rate, at the rally he immediately started lying. He said that after John’s death, he gave him “A-plus” treatment when he didn’t have to, that he could have given him B or C treatment (whatever that means). He said he “gave everything,” including lowering the flags and “the Rotunda.”

Two falsehoods there: The president has nothing to do with who lies in state or in honor in the Capitol Rotunda. That’s Congress’s building and Congress’s decision. And Debbie Dingell declined the offer to have her husband lie in state there, a reflection of the couple’s modesty.

Trump also told the crowd that Debbie called him to thank him profusely, when actually, he called her.

But the most despicable thing he did was to imply that John Dingell was in hell. “She calls me up. ‘It’s the nicest thing that’s ever happened. Thank you so much. John would be so thrilled. He’s looking down, he’d be so thrilled. Thank you so much sir.’ I said that’s OK, don’t worry about it,” Trump said, recounting the call. “Maybe he’s looking up, I don’t know.”

This morning, Debbie Dingell revealed on CNN that her late husband’s brother entered hospice care at Thanksgiving. That holiday was difficult, she said, and Christmas is going to be even sadder. She and her family are still grieving.

But none of that matters to a guy who has publicly mocked a disabled reporter, insulted Gold Star parents, and so much more

Sue Legg is a leader of the League of Women Voters in Florida and a member of the board of the Network for Public Education.

She writes here about Miami, a district that is “all in” for school choice. 

Miami seems to have taken the place of Denver as their favorite district, now that the choice Majority was booted out of power.

Legg writes:

Miami is the school choice capital!  According to this EducationNext article, 20% of Miami’s public schools are charters.  Another 20% of students are in private schools, and approximately half of those are paid for with vouchers and tax credit scholarships.  It does not stop there.  District-run choice programs now enroll 61% of public school children.  Is this a school choice dream or a nightmare?

Dade County schools tout high academic achievement.  The district receives an ‘A’ grade from the state and no failing school grades.  Of course, there are only 15 schools in the state that have an ‘F’ rating, so Miami is not unique there.  An ‘A’ school only has to earn 62% of the possible points based on state assessment test scores etc.  Over one-half of all Florida’s schools earn an ‘A’ or ‘B’ grade.

Miami’s  fourth grade students rank above the national average on the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) reading test, but there is no statistically significant difference between Duval, Hillsborough and Dade Counties’ scores.  Could it be that third grade retention pushes Florida scores up because so many fourth graders were retained?

The Dade County eighth grade NAEP scores also seem to be higher in comparison to other cities.  Yet, the average Miami-Dade score is right at the national average.  Miami’s high school graduation rate is just below the national average.  It would seem that Miami-Dade is good at hype.  The reality is quite different on the ground.

According to the report ‘Tough Choices‘, Miami is the second most segregated district in the state.  Of 460 schools in Miami, 214 are considered isolated.  They are more than 85% single race.   Miami’s lowest performing schools are overwhelmingly black.  Hispanic students also tend to be enrolled in segregated schools.

Is this what Florida is striving for?  Our schools are driven by grades which are easy to manipulate.  Yet, Florida, the third largest state in the nation, is just average in student achievement and children are increasingly separated by race and economic status.

Florida is ground zero for school choice, since it has been controlled by Jeb Bush and his allies since 1998. By now, it should have surpassed Massachusetts on the NAEP, but its eighth grade scores continue to be mediocre.

 

Veteran journalist John Merrow attended the Public Education Forum in Pittsburgh.

In this post, he reports his views about the candidates.

Which ones did best, which ones were disappointing.

And which one was the biggest surprise of the day and, in his estimation, “the biggest winner of the day.”

Amy Frogge is a member of the elected school board in Metro Nashville. She is a parent activist and a lawyer. She is also one of the heroes of my new book SLAYING GOLIATH: THE PASSIONATE RESISTANCE TO PRIVATIZATION AND THE FIGHT TO SAVE AMERICA’S PUBLIC SCHOOLS (Knopf), which will be published January 21.

When Amy ran for the school board, the Disruption movement funded her opponents. Groups like Democrats for Education Reform and Stand for Children poured money into the race to beat her, and she won. They outspent her, but she had troops, volunteers, parents as passionate as she was.

Amy recently spoke to the Nashville Chamber of Commerce about public education in Nashville.

This is what she told them:

Good morning. I would like to start out this morning with a confession, speaking only on my own behalf: Since I was first elected, I’ve bristled at the very idea of the business community grading the school system with a yearly report card. If I, as a school board member, decided to “grade” the Nashville Chamber for the dismal state of Metro’s finances and offered suggestions as to how you might better conduct your business dealings to avoid such poor outcomes, I’d wager that you would take offense. You would likely respond that I’m not qualified to make such an assessment, since I have no background in business, and you’d be right.

 

This is how our educators feel. Our teachers and public schools are continually scapegoated for the societal ills that impact student learning. Our schools and teachers are often labeled as “failing,” which destroys morale and is an entirely inaccurate statement. They are faced with a constant barrage of new policies, procedures, assessments, and ratings tools crafted by those with no real expertise in education- by politicians, by lawyers (like me), and by business leaders. The metrics used to assess our teachers and students are often deeply flawed and ever-changing. We must begin to respect our teachers, grant them the autonomy they need to succeed, and pay them handsomely. They are our true experts. Our school staff members best understand how to reach students and how to help them grow academically. They often give of their own limited resources to ensure that our children have what they need- food, clothing, shoes, supplies, etc., and even the love and care many do not receive at home.

 

That said, I want to commend you today for the general focus of this year’s Report Card: investment, equity and support. These are the true keys to success in public education. It’s become painfully obvious that Nashville schools and teachers are underfunded and that there exist vast inequities within our school system. As a city and larger community, we must ensure that every child in Nashville has access to an excellent, well-rounded education. ALL children- not just those in private schools or wealthy neighborhoods- should have access to the arts, to physical activity (recess, PE, athletics), to proper nutrition, to time in nature, to books and school libraries, to learning through play when they are young, to enrichment activities that spark their creativity and interests as they grow, and to healthy, evidence-based educational practices. So many of Nashville’s students come to school having experienced trauma and adverse childhood experiences, which impact their ability to focus on learning. That’s why the Chamber’s emphasis on social emotional learning has been so very important. We must also maintain focus on whole child education. We need more school counselors, social workers, and nurses. MNPS needs greater support and increased partnerships from our larger community.

 

But our current national fixation on ridiculous amounts of flawed standardized testing, which ultimately measures little, has impeded progress toward these goals. The number one factor impacting a child’s test scores is the socioeconomic status of the child’s family. This does not mean, of course, that children who come from impoverished backgrounds cannot succeed; it simply means that we as a community must provide the extra support to help these children thrive. School privatization efforts also impede progress toward these goals. Conversations about vouchers and charter schools are ultimately about equity- whether we want to fund the few at the expense of the many and whether we can continue to support a parallel, competing set of school systems when we cannot afford to support our existing schools. These conversations are also about accountability, the need for public regulation and transparency, the misuse of tax dollars intended for children, and school segregation- again issues of equity and fairness. Ultimately, though, these issues are a distraction from the hard work at hand- a band-aid on a much larger problem. It is a sad day when we all rally around the idea of “Adopting a Teacher” in a city as rich and thriving as Nashville. It’s embarrassing that we have come to this point.

 

I’ll close today by adding to this Report Card a few ways that you, sitting here in this room, can help MNPS succeed:

 

First, I invite each of you to tour your zoned schools before deciding where to enroll your own child. My husband and I opted to send our children to our zoned schools, and it has been an excellent choice for our family. We have utilized schools that our neighbors once warned us against, those with poor ratings on sites like greatschools.org- and yet, my children are both thriving, academically and otherwise. Their test scores are just as high as those of their friends who have attended elite private schools, and my children have benefitted from diverse learning environments. It saddens me that we in Nashville have somehow come to view our public schools as charities meant to serve only those without means. Children in our public schools shouldn’t be viewed as future worker bees for businesses, and our city’s schools are not just for other people’s children. Public schools are the very hearts of our community, and if everyone in Nashville actually utilized our public schools, we would have very different outcomes. Socioeconomic diversity, as well as racial diversity, in schools are proven drivers of success.

 

And when we all get involved in public schools, small miracles happen. When I was PTO President at our local, Title I elementary school, I helped bring in community partnerships and local support for the school. As a result, test scores went up, the school’s culture improved, and a waiting list developed at that school. This could happen throughout the whole city with your support.

 

On a related note, please do not recruit businesses to Nashville with the promise that they can live in surrounding counties and send their children to school in places like Williamson County. This increases the divide between the haves and the have-nots and paints a misleading picture of our city.     

 

Second, in addition to the suggestions you’ve made in this year’s Report Card, I hope that you will consider a greater investment in MNPS’s Community School programs, which provide wrap-around services to children and families in need. Businesses could partner with local schools to meet student needs and provide community volunteers. This would absolutely change a school’s outcomes.

 

Third, please help us advocate at the state level for our needs- increased funding, greater teacher pay and autonomy, and local control of schools so that Nashville can make the best decisions for our community.

 

Finally, I hope that you, as leaders in our business community, will put effort into advocating for larger changes in our city that will have the greatest impact on our schools and children. We need more affordable housing. Last year, over 3,400 of the children in our school system qualified as homeless. And as you are aware, our teachers and support staff desperately need better pay. Many can no longer afford to live in the New Nashville. We must stop investing in shiny things at the expense of infrastructure and community needs. When our city becomes more equitable, this will be reflected in our schools.

 

Thank you for your time this morning and for your commitment to public education. I know that a lot of hard, thoughtful work goes into your Report Card each year. I will leave you with the encouragement that Dr. Battle, Mayor Cooper, and the board are already working on the issues that your Report Card Committee has identified. It’s a new day for Nashville, and I hope we can all work together in partnership to make a difference for Nashville’s children.

Owning a charter chain is very lucrative, especially when it is one of Betsy DeVos’s favorites. Just this year, she gave the Texas-based IDEA chain $116 million from the federal Charter Schools Program to expand in Texas and Louisiana.*

Feeling flush, the IDEA board of directors approved a plan to lease a private jet and pilot at a cost of $160,000 a month for eight years, nearly $2 million a year, for a total of $15.3 million.

The pushback from Texas AFT, the attention from Texas newspapers, and the heavy ridicule on Twitter led to a quick reversal of the decision. IDEA’s well-compensates executives will have to fly commercial, to their great disappointment!

The Houston Chronicle reported:

Texas’ largest charter school network abruptly grounded its plan to spend millions of dollars leasing and operating a private jet Monday, hours after the Houston Chronicle and a state teachers union raised questions about the arrangement.

IDEA Public Schools officials reversed course Monday evening, saying the organization will not sign an eight-year lease on an eight-passenger aircraft, an agreement unanimously approved earlier this month by the charter’s governing board. District leaders said they planned to use the jet to fuel the organization’s rapid expansion across the southern United States, with private donors footing a bill expected to approach $15 million over the life of the lease.

Tom Torkelson, CEO of IDEA, called the lease plan “a prudent decision,” although it does prove that IDEA is a private chain, not an operator of public schools. Have you ever heard of a public school or even a state superintendent with a private jet?

Life is unfair! If your corporation is taking in millions, why shouldn’t its top brass have a private jet? You know, like other private corporations?

*The federal CSP was launched by President Clinton in 1994 to grow start-ups but it has morphed into a slush fund for corporate charter chains, which DeVos uses as her personal slush fund. This is the program where nearly 40% of the schools funded either never open or close soon after opening.

 

 

 

Amy Goodman, host of “Democracy Now,” interviews Carol Burris, Keron Blair, and Jitu Brown about the Public Education Forum and the fight for equity and justice.

We are educating the public about the importance of changing the status quo.

Ahead of the last Democratic presidential debate of the year this Thursday, seven candidates appeared Saturday at the historic Democratic Presidential Forum on Public Education in Pittsburgh, an event organized by public education organizations, unions, civil rights organizations and community groups. We play highlights from the forum and get response from Keron Blair, director of the Alliance to Reclaim Our Schools in Atlanta; Jitu Brown, national director of the Journey for Justice Alliance; and Carol Burris, executive director of the Network for Public Education Action. She recently authored a report titled “Still Asleep at the Wheel: How the Federal Charter Schools Program Results in a Pileup of Fraud and Waste.”

Dana Milbank in the Washington Post captures the strange upside-down distortion of facts and evidence that characterized the Republican side of the debate. Not a single Republican was willing to question Trump’s efforts to entice a foreign nation to dig up dirt on a political rival. None thought it was unsavory, atrocious, intolerable. What if Obama has done the same thing? They would have been howling for his impeachment. Instead, all spoke of Trump as if he were a deity who walks among us.

Looking at the complete subjugation of the a Republican Party, Milbank declares a victory for Trumpism. I disagree. Trump has totally subjugated the Republican Party to his will, but the American people will decide next November whether he has won. A victory for Trump in November is a victory for racism, misogyny, xenophobia, climate change denial, greed, and isolationism. It could happen. But we must work to make sure that it doesn’t.

 

Milbank wrote:

For only the third time in history, the House of Representatives on Wednesday night dealt a president the greatest punishment in its constitutional arsenal. The stain of impeachment will follow Donald Trump to his grave and be noted long after he’s gone.

But in one sense, Trump won.

Wednesday’s 10-hour impeachment debate on the House floor and the party-line vote that followed proved that Trump’s multiyear campaign against the truth — 15,000 lies and counting — has succeeded. Republicans, united, didn’t spend much time defending Trump on the (unfavorable) merits. Instead, in an appalling spectacle of mass projection, they took turns accusing Democrats of the very offenses Trump committed — with Trumpian language and disregard for reality.

Democrats are the ones, Rep. Tom McClintock (R-Calif.) said, who committed a “stunning abuse of power.” Democrats are the ones, Rep. Tom Rice (R-S.C.) said, who “colluded with Russia and Ukraine.” Democrats are the ones, Rep. Steve King (R-Iowa) said, who engaged in “the largest and most massive coverup of such a list of crimes against our country.” Democrats are the ones, Rep. Peter King (R-N.Y.) said, who committed an “assault on the Constitution.” Democrats are the ones, Rep. Tim Walberg (R-Mich.) said, who are “interfering in America’s election.” Democrats are the ones, Rep. Roger Marshall (R-Kan.) said, who “have dangerously shattered precedents.”

It was as though Alex Jones and Tucker Carlson had taken over the House floor. Even during the most solemn constitutional ritual, Republicans were auditioning for an audience of one — and outbidding each other with conspiracy theories in hopes of scoring a favorable tweet from the boss.

Republicans on the floor applauded.

Rep. Louie Gohmert (R-Tex.) accused Democrats of pursuing impeachment to conceal “Ukraine’s interference into the U.S. election in 2016” — earning Gohmert a rebukefrom Rep. Jerrold Nadler (D-N.Y.) for spouting this false Russian propaganda.

It was all a triumph for alternative facts, for Russian dezinformatsiya, for Fox News and for social media toxicity.

The losers aren’t the Democrats — the public remains as split as before — but democracy. Just as after the Mueller report, Trump will only grow more emboldened in breaking the legal constraints on his presidency.

Trump, and Republicans, succeeded in making impeachment just another political fight. (“They don’t just hate Donald Trump, they hate the 63 million Americans who voted for this president.”) As such, Wednesday felt oddly routine at the Capitol. Only a few dozen lawmakers watched most of the debate. Outside, a few hundred rallied for impeachment; a lone figure dressed as Santa Claus rallied against. There was little of the fire that greeted Obamacare’s passage in 2010.

To look down from the gallery was to see a House divided: almost all white men on the Republican side, a mosaic of color and gender on the Democratic side. Rep. Justin Amash (I-Mich.), forced to leave the GOP because he supported impeachment, sat with the Democrats; Rep. Jeff Van Drew (N.J.), about to leave the Democratic Party because he opposes impeachment, hobnobbed on the Republican side with new colleague Steve King.

The Rev. Patrick Conroy, the House chaplain, prayed for “wisdom and discernment.” But it wasn’t to be found. Rep. Barry Loudermilk (R-Ga.) compared Democrats unfavorably to Pontius Pilate. Rep. Fred Keller (R-Pa.) likened Democrats to those who killed Jesus (“they know not what they do”). Rep. Mike Kelly (R-Pa.) likened impeachment to the attack on Pearl Harbor. Rep. Doug Collins (R-Ga.) repeated the same misquote of House Speaker Nancy Pelosi — three times.

Democrats, in response, kept repeating the evidence. “The president withheld congressionally approved military aid to a country under siege to extract a personal political favor. That’s a cold hard fact,” said Rep. Jim McGovern (Mass.).

But Republicans met hard facts with protests (they began by forcing a vote to adjourn and ended by refusing to use their electronic voting cards), intermittent and then frequent heckling, booing and jeering, maligning of Democrats’ motives, demands for Adam Schiff’s indictment and Pelosi’s expulsion, and hours of Trumpian insults directed at Democrats: Phony. Fraudulent. Socialist. Stalinist. McCarthy(ism). Sham. Witch-hunt. Coup. Kangaroo court. Joke. Rigged. Hoax. Charade. Circus. Stunt. Lies. Corruption. Swamp creatures. Star chamber. Illegal. Illegitimate. Hit job. Delusional. Elitists. Total Schiff show! READ THE TRANSCRIPT!!!

And Trump chimed in on Twitter with more of the same — “ATROCIOUS LIES . . . ASSAULT ON AMERICA” — before heading to a campaign rally.

History will note that at 8:42 Wednesday evening, the People’s House impeached Trump for high crimes and misdemeanors. The punishment was necessary and just. But though Trump stands rebuked, the Republicans’ ugly defense of an unrepentant offender shows that Trumpism has prevailed 

Peter Greene writes here about the budget approved by Congress for the Department of Education.

There is good news and bad news. Peter Greene thinks it’s mostly good news. I’d say there is both.

Congress did not appropriate a penny for Betsy DeVos’s top priority, her $5 billion request for vouchers (aka “education freedom scholarships”). Sorry, Betsy, nada. Even Republican Congressmen and Senators represent public school parents.

But Congress appropriated $440 million for Betsy’s charter school slush fund, otherwise known as the federal Charter Schools Program. The CSP is a swamp of fraud, waste, and abuse, as the Network for Public Education demonstrated in its “Asleep at the Wheel” and “Still Asleep at the Wheel” reports, which showed that more than $1 billion in federal funds were wasted on charters that either never opened or closed not long after opening. The House (controlled by Democrats) wanted to cut CSP to $400 million (which is $400 million too much), but the Senate (controlled by Republicans) negotiated it back to level funding. The CSP was created by the Clinton administration in 1994 to help start-ups, mom-and-pop or teacher-led charters that needed some extra funding. Betsy has turned it into a big fat plum for corporate charter chains like KIPP and IDEA, which are not start-ups and which are already richly endowed with funding from billionaires, most of them right-wingers. At present, the federal government is the single biggest funded of charter schools in the nation, even in states that don’t want them or need them, like New Hampshire, where Betsy gave the state $46 million to double the number of charters, but the state legislative fiscal commission rejected the money. Congress showed its lack of concern for accountability; that’s for the little people.

Peter Greene writes:

Trump asked for a 10% cut to the department and the elimination of twenty-nine programs. That didn’t happen (though it’s worth noting that many Trump appointees like DeVos have figured out that you can cut spending in your department by simply letting positions stand empty).

There is more money for Title I. It’s about a 3% increase, while Democratic candidates are calling for increases of 200% to 300%.

The Charter Schools Program– the fund that has wasted a billion dollars on charter school waste and fraud– will stay art current levels, with neither the boost the GOP wanted nor the cut that Democrats called for.

And special ed funding will once again not be increased to its full, required level. This makes forever years for Congress to stiff the states on the granddaddy of all unfunded mandates. Thanks a lot, Congress.

Owen Davis writes here about the enrichment of the testing industry by No Child Left Behind and Race to the Top.

The testing and accountability craze started before No Child Left Behind, but that federal law turned it into a bonanza for Pearson and other companies and led to a consolidation of the testing industry.

We now know, almost 20 years after NCLB was signed into law on January 8, 2002, that it has had very little effect on student test scores, on closing achievement gaps, or on any of the other wild promises made first by George W. Bush, echoed by Rod Paige and Margaret Spellings, and reiterated again by Arne Duncan and John King.

Who in Congress or the federal government will have the courage to call a halt to this insane investment of billions of dollars into the testing industry?

Davis writes:

Three days after taking office, George W. Bush unveiled his signature domestic policy, No Child Left Behind. The bill would triple the number of exams the federal government required of students, while dangling stiff penalties over struggling schools. For many educators it felt like a depth charge.

The mood was different at Pearson Education, a division of the London-based conglomerate Pearson PLC. As the education community was still absorbing the shock in February 2001, Pearson Education chief executive Peter Jovanovich spoke to a group of Wall Street investment analysts. He pointed them to the proposed annual testing requirements and school report cards. “This,” Jovanovich said, “almost reads like our business plan.”

Pearson Education was a relative newcomer to the education market. Three years earlier, Pearson PLC had paid $4.6 billion to buy the textbook wing of publishing house Simon & Schuster. In 2000, the company acquired a leading standardized test provider. Now Pearson’s stars had aligned.

“Content has been king,” Marjorie Scardino, Pearson’s top executive, said at the time. “But now we’ll have the ability to put content and applications together and that will really allow us to be king.” With a hand in both delivering curriculum and testing students over that curriculum, Pearson would capitalize on America’s newfound school accountability kick.

Pearson Education’s profits increased 175 percent in the decade following No Child Left Behind. The company, whose properties included Penguin Books and the Financial Times, soon derived most of its profits from American education. Test sales jumped fivefold between 2000 and 2006. “Our assessment businesses are in the sweet spot of education policy,” Scardino told investors in 2005 – a year when more than 60 percent of American school kids lived in states giving Pearson tests.

Since 2000, the testing market has roughly tripled in size, to nearly $4 billion a year, with annual achievement tests spawning a range of more frequent tracking assessments. As testing has flourished, more and more functions of the school publishing industry the have fallen into fewer and fewer hands. In 1988, ten publishers shared 70 percent of the textbook market. Today, the “Big Three” —McGraw-Hill, Houghton Mifflin Harcourt and the juggernaut Pearson—control at least 85 percent of the market. These lucky few have since expanded their offerings; Pearson hawks everything from student data trackers to online credit-recovery courses to ADHD diagnostic kits.

But along the way the American public grew wary of the companies’ influence in education. Parent groups on both the left and right have cast testing mandates as political favors to test makers, a notion that has helped spark a recent nationwide pushback against accountability policies. Hundreds of thousands of parents across the country have opted their children out of mandatory tests last year, and entire schools have held test boycotts.

The sense that students are over-tested is no illusion. A 2013 study from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development found the stakes attached to testing in the U.S. to be the highest in the developed world. One study of the 66 largest urban school districts found the average student took 112 standardized tests from kindergarten to graduation, spending an average 22 hours a year just taking the exams, let alone preparing for them.

The efforts of testing companies to secure and expand their business have helped pushed American schools toward an overbearing focus on assessment – one that has failed to achieve its desired result of dramatically improving student and school performance. Here’s the story of how we got to this point.

It is a sad story, an awful story, that involves lobbyists, business plans, and billions of dollars. Nothing good there for students or teachers.