Lisa Eggert Litvin, a lawyer in the northern suburbs outside New York City, asserts persuasively that the New York State Education Department issued regulations for teacher and principal evaluations in an illegal manner, by declaring an “emergency” and failing to meet the requirements of state law.
I call this post “Note to Bruce Lederman,” because he is the lawyer who is challenging the legitimacy and validity of the state teacher evaluation program on behalf of his wife, teacher Sheri Lederman; if he doesn’t know already, he should be aware that the program was imposed without meeting the requirements of state law.
Litvin is co-president of the Hastings on Hudson PTSA and co-chair of the New York Suburban Consortium for Public Education. She follows the actions of the State Education Department and is an expert on school finance.
She writes:
The state Education Department, with the approval of the Board of Regents, creates rules that school districts legally have to follow. But in doing so, the department has failed to follow the laws that tell it how to make these rules.
Over the past two years, the majority of the Education Department’s rules have been temporary “emergency” rules, which then become permanent — but the vast bulk of these rules haven’t been real emergencies at all. Typically, SED’s reason for the “emergency” is simply that it has run out of time to get something done, and following the legal requirements would take too long. So, SED fast tracks the rules’ adoption process by improperly labeling them as “emergency.” But the law is specific that an “emergency” is rare, and exists only when “necessary for the preservation of the public health, safety or general welfare,” not simply because something is time-sensitive.
Why is this important? Because the legal process for SED to make rules, set forth in the State Administrative Procedure Act, ensures that the public has a right to offer input before rules are finalized, typically in a 45-day window. Also, SED must respond to each of the public’s comments. This is central to our democracy, as this is the only voice the public has in situations where non-elected officials, like the Board of Regents and the Education Department, which the board oversees, make binding rules.
This past June, in response to an impending deadline set by the state Legislature, SED proposed and the Board of Regents adopted new teacher evaluation rules, on an “emergency” basis. There was tremendous outcry over these rules, as they arbitrarily place even more weight on standardized test scores than the prior plan, apparently with no supporting research. Over 25,000 New Yorkers — including many of the state’s most well respected educators — signed a petition urging that the new evaluation plan not be rushed. They called instead for the state to work hand-in-hand with experts on testing and psychometrics to create a thoughtful, well reasoned and research-based plan that would accurately assess teachers, and not harm children’s educations. (Prior plans have not been supported by experts, and have shown erratic and unreliable results.)
The Board of Regents, which is supposed to set state education policy, and SED could have sought an extension to the Legislature’s deadline or presented an alternative vision for creating a better evaluation system. Instead, SED claimed “emergency” — a designation reserved for the “preservation of the general welfare,” even though it was clear that there was no such threat — and pushed the rules through, without any opportunity for public give and take. For this reason, those emergency evaluation rules should be declared invalid.
In its follow-up efforts to make the emergency teacher evaluation rules permanent, SED still continues to disregard the law. The law requires that SED provide the public with critical information about how the rules were created, specifically identifying for the public “each scientific or statistical study, report or analysis that served as the basis for the rule … and the name of the person that produced each study, report or analysis.”
In short, the “emergency” rules were adopted when there was no emergency; public hearings were avoided; and the state continues to break the law by making its “emergency” mandates permanent without public input.
Litvin calls on the Board of Regents and the State Education Department to stop declaring phony “emergencies” and to provide the factual information required by law. It is time, she says, for the new commissioner of education to demonstrate her willingness to consult with experts and practitioners in a collaborative and transparent manner. She should immediately suspend the new evaluation rules and turn to recognized experts to produce a research-based plan. The “emergency” rule-making evades the law and offends democracy by cutting the public out of its role in reviewing policy. Litvin calls for the restoration of a transparent, democratic, open process.

Well, “corporate welfare” is certainly endangered if the public is allowed to chime in during the rule-making process. I guess that would be the only threat to public education the Regents and the SED take seriously these days.
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Thanks for the heads up. I am considering how this impacts our case.
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Mr. Lederman: heartfelt thanks for what you are doing on behalf of your wife and, by extension, many many others.
Y’all are going up against some heavy and entrenched interests, so for the rough moments perhaps remembering these words from a genuine American hero will help:
“Truth is powerful and it prevails.” [Sojourner Truth]
And this posting—and the way it puts people and ideas and organizations in contact with each other—is another example of why this blog keeps the self-styled “education reformers” up at night.
😎
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Bruce and Sheri,
You have our thanks, admiration, and support.
I’m not a lawyer, but wonder about the possibility of class action lawsuits in this and other areas of reform which have done harm to children, teachers, and parents, alike.
Again: thank you.
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Bruce,
I left a message on your voicemail yesterday and offer my moral support. If there is a defense fund being raised for your wife, please let me know who and where I make the check out to.
Ron Giamundo is a principal in one of the Great Neck public schools, and I used to work in the same division as him back in District 24 in New York City.
Always 6 degrees of separation!
I personally thank you and Sheri for being hero, fighters, and role models.
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Rob: I got your message. There is no defense fund. Sheri and I are personally funding this lawsuit simply because we feel it is the right thing to do. Appreciate your encouragement.
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It sounds like a manufactured “crisis” to avoid public input and hijack democracy. “Reformers” hate being annoyed by the “little people.” Has NYSUT done anything to combat these injustices?
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Retired teacher,
My thoughts exactly. If Litvin knows this, where are all of NYSUT’s lawyers, and why haven’t they filed suit on our behalf?
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I had reached out to NYSUT in July and followed up in August. On Aug. 3, I received the following response from attorney Robert Reilly: “Please be assured that I have given your memo to the attorneys here who are looking at the new APPR law and regulations. They are considering your material along with their own research, and they are aware of the applicable statutes of limitations.” You can feel free to reach out to NYSUT as well. Also, readers should feel free to contact the Board of Regents members, as they will vote in mid September on whether to make the new APPR rules permanent, and this could give a basis for voting “no” to those who are on the fence.
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Wow Diane. Lisa Eggert Litvin, thank you for pointing this out! This was right in front of our faces, and it didn’t occur to me that there was such a straightforward way to argue against it. Emergency decisions lead to emergency powers— and looking at history we know that this is very bad for public policy and democracy.
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The emergency might be citizen outrage regarding the sham reform already being perpetrated. To squash it hard and quick you need something more assault chopper and tank like, less shields and riot gear stuff. Disruption failed, suppress/eliminate is next.
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It would seem to become a major distraction – the merits of the case are already based on a law that is outdated though the principle is alive
Let us say the law is invalidated based on those grounds – it would invalidate pretty much all evaluations since then, and pave the way to do it the dog and pony show way and restart this whole fiasco.
That would be better addressed I would think by a district level lawsuit by a district injured by trying to follow the laws.
Proving on an individual level injury by wrongful lawful interpretation is possible, but, could yield a whole new round of does she have standing under that charge to sue and forces the assumption of injury for her to have standing.
It sounds relevant, but could draw things out, not be materially useful at the individual level and if ruled on those grounds, could negate the need to address all the other issues with this form of evaluation and just kick the whole thing into dog and pony show mode.
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So many good, legal points were made in the affidavits the judge should be able to throw SCAM, I mean VAM out 15 different ways. It is deeply flawed. Also extremely troubling is the fact that when people are rated using percentiles, the rating is not absolute as it should be. But rather comparative and therefore dependant on data outside the persons scope of ability, thus many teachers are wrongfully labelled by the percentile system.
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“Also extremely troubling is the fact that when people are rated using percentiles, the rating is not absolute as it should be. But rather comparative and therefore dependant on data outside the persons scope of ability, thus many teachers are wrongfully labelled by the percentile system.”
This is where I completely lose my faith in the integrity of those who drew up and presented this formula.
I understand the concepts of the data driven model and the fact that those who are in positions of leadership are totally on board with it. Common sense may tell you that the model is flawed in the field of education…but common sense isn’t data driven and, therefore, not of central interest to our leaders.
But the quote included in my post along with Litvin’s well written essay, spells out, very clearly and analytically, exactly why the system is flawed. Yet we still can expect a fight from those who would have their policies enacted. This serves as a strong indicator that there are motives other than “for the good of the children” at work here.
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