Archives for the month of: March, 2014

Helen Gym, one of our heroes of public education, will be honored by the White House as a “champion of change.”

“Gym has been named a Chesar Chavez Champion of Change – one of 10 community leaders nationally who have “committed themselves to improving the lives of others in their communities and across the country,” people who “represent the values and steadfast determination of Cesar Chavez to organize ourselves for a more just tomorrow.”

Gym and the other Champions will participate in a discussion about how to expand opportunities for all Americans, according to a White House news release.”

We have no doubt that Helen will tell President Obama about how Race to the Top, high-stakes testing, budget cuts, and privatization are hurting children and destroying public education in Philadelphia.

Helen and I will be on a panel at AERA on April 3.

Read more at http://www.philly.com/philly/blogs/school_files/Helen-Gym-to-be-honored-by-White-House.html#FCFxIHpLl7wVlUph.99

In this
post
, Chris Thinnes movingly describes his reaction to
the first national conference of the Network for Public Education.
Most powerful to me was his reference to the absence of hierarchy.
All of us–students, parents, educators, citizens, old, young–met
as equals. It was, from all accounts, a great and empowering
experience. The words I heard often were, ” I am so glad to know
that I am not alone.” All of us left feeling stronger. I am going
to break a rule here. I so much enjoyed reading Chris’s reflections
that I am going to publish them in full. But I want to “drive”
traffic to his blog, so I urge you to open the link so you can see
his photos, especially the one of Deborah Meier engaging student
activists. What Chris saw and felt is what we all saw and felt:
Democracy in action. A promise of an educational spring. Read and
enjoy: Reflections on the first national conference of the Network
for Public Education Austin, March 1-2, 2014 An #EducationSpring in
Our Step: Reflections on the First National #NPEconference Chris
Thinnes I’m back! I’m back! I’m back!… Get up offa that thing And
try to release that pressure.. Ha! Good God! So Good! – James Brown
Sisters and brothers, Don’t settle for the okey-doke. – Karen Lewis
At some point I began to realize it might be nuts to take this on:
I presented with a panel last Friday afternoon in Orlando at the
NAIS annual conference, was presenting with another panel the
following Monday morning in L.A. at the CAIS Southern Regional
Meeting, and on a gut feeling several weeks beforehand, I’d made
the out-of-pocket decision (or, rather, the
out-of-my-family’s-pocket decision) to spend the Friday night
through Sunday afternoon in between at the first national
conference of the Network for Public Education. Standing outside
the Austin airport at 11pm on Friday night, it really hit me. I was
tapped out from sleepless nights at the conference in Orlando (I’m
useless without my family), cynical about the direction of my
national organization, tired of
lecturers-lecturing-against-lecturing, and uncertain about my own
capacities and credibility to make a difference in my school, in my
profession, and in my world. I’ve been in one of those phases where
it has simply not been enough – personally, professionally, or
emotionally — to “plant dates” or to endure a “season of design.”
And, to the ostensible point of the NPE conference, I remain
infuriated – and, problematically, little more than infuriated,
because my dispositions to depression and paralysis don’t afford
me, personally, the luxury of unmitigated fury — by a continual
assault on public education by politicians, corporations, and
philanthropists who, as Naomi Klein puts it, are “part of a
movement that prays for crisis the way that drought-struck farmers
pray for rain.” And then I realized, waiting outside baggage claim
for the promised yellow bus with the NPE logo to take me to the
conference hotel – that, at some point, somebody would ask me where
I worked. And I would have to, need to, get to tell them that I
worked in a private school. My misplaced fear of their reaction was
something I hadn’t entertained before; why, I don’t know. But it
made me, for a moment, want to scramble back into the terminal and
beg for a transfer to L.A. I felt like I’d made a reckless,
presumptuous, and arrogant decision to step into somebody else’s
space. And yet I went down deeply, for whatever reason, for
intuition; trusted my earlier and less sleep-deprived
decision-making; and boarded the bus to see what would happen. This
turned out to be, perhaps, the best decision I’ve ever made for my
own professional learning, my discovery of what it means to be
engaged in my profession, and my decisions about my future path in
schools. All great learning, in my opinion, is relational. And the
energy of the NPE conference – or, to put it more accurately, the
relationships and community at the NPE conference – were
restorative, inspiring, and empowering in a way I’ve found no other
professional gathering in recent memory to be. What I really
needed, more than I could have realized, was some “Circle Time.”
And it was “circle time” I got. Some time ago, I wrote about the
impact of Ken Robinson’s recognition of the impact of education
‘reform’ in the United States, and his invitation to a mindset
moving forward: ‘The Education System’ is not what happens in the
anteroom to Arne Duncan’s office, or in the debating halls of our
state capitals. ‘The education system’ is the school they go to. If
you are a school principal, you are ‘the education system’ for the
kids in your school. If you are a teacher, you are ‘the education
system’ for the children in your classroom. And if you change your
practice — if you change your way of thinking — you change the
world for those students. You change ‘the education system.’ And if
enough people change, and they’re connected in the way they change,
that’s a movement. And when enough people are moving, that’s a
revolution. It was in precisely this revolutionary, democratic
spirit, that I witnessed a shared vision of both active
interruption, and generative action, build over the course of these
days in Austin. This was perhaps best expressed, though surely not
only expressed, in John Kuhn’s call to conscience and to action on
Saturday afternoon: Teachers and students have suffered for years
under the burden of increasingly onerous state and federal
education policies, a prevailing culture of teacher- and
student-blaming, and a seemingly relentless campaign to reduce
resources while increasing expectations. We must remind ourselves
that we have the power to determine the future of education in the
United States. When educators and the educated are empowered,
reform doesn’t happen to them, it happens because of them. Today,
with groups like this one and so many others, all of which are
active in so many ways, in so many parts of the country, we are
standing on the threshold of the Education Spring. That sound you
hear getting louder is called student voice, and it’s called
teacher voice… Much has been written in reflection on the
#NPEconference by others more capable, and quicker to the draw,
than I: I’ve been letting this experience wash over me for several
days as I’ve played frantic, and selfish, catch-up with the balls I
dropped while I was away. You mustn’t miss the extraordinary
speeches by Karen Lewis and John Kuhn, the closing keynote by Diane
Ravitch, the exciting dynamics of a panel on the Common Core, a
restorative and inspiring panel of student activists, or the call
for congressional hearings on which note the conference drew to its
conclusion. You mustn’t miss the tweets you can still call up under
the #NPEconference hashtag, which was Twitter’s top trending tag on
Saturday and Sunday, and which recorded a vigilant, faithful, and
inspiring stream of commentary from the extraordinary workshops,
panels, and roundtables that had been convened by the conference
organizers. But I want to reflect on the conference from a more
personal, perhaps more emotional, and potentially more
self-indulgent perspective. I want to explore some patterns that I
noticed, and some dynamics I found inspiring, in the community of
#NPEconference participants. These had a profound impact on me that
I’m likely to explore in the weeks and months to come: they helped
restore, and to create anew, a faith that we can ensure – precisely
by recognizing the nature and the impact of these dynamics in our
community, and in our solidarity — the fulfillment of a vision
framed most eloquently by my dear friend Peter Gow: “We want to see
democracy, not capitalism, survive as the root, stem, leaves, and
fruit of American education.” 1. RETHINKING HIERARCHY: LEADERSHIP
AS SERVICE AND SUPPORT I was struck immediately, upon arriving at
the conference hotel around midnight, by the vaguely familiar face
of a pleasant-seeming woman darting around the lobby attending to a
variety of chores. We caught each others’ eyes, introduced
ourselves, told stories about our excitement, and I offered my help
if any was needed. Only after we engaged in conversation did I
realize this was NPE board member Robin Hiller – who, over the
course of the next few days, welcomed me into myriad conversations
about the conference experience with Phyllis Bush, Coleen Wood, and
other NPE board members who were every bit as approachable,
engaging, and just plain excited by the nature of this shared
experience as any other participant. I was struck, from that moment
forward, by the absence of any conventional, traditional, or
familiar notion of ‘hierarchy’ in the ranks of conference
organizers, presenters, and participants. Recognizing and extending
that spirit, I had and took the opportunity to thank Leonie Haimson
for her example in navigating the tensions between private and
public schools in her own life and work; to thank Bob Peterson for
his extraordinary work with Rethinking Schools that has been such
an influence on me; to thank Diane Ravitch for her support and
suggestions while I was navigating some difficult communication
last year; to thank Deborah Meier for advice she’d shared months
ago about how to bridge differences; and to thank Anthony Cody for
encouraging me to come, when I wasn’t certain that I should. I
mention these interactions not to drop names or to curry favor, but
to note that each of these amazing people was every bit as
interested in extending our conversation – to be helpful to my
experience, to offer theirs in service, and to learn from my
experience — as I was. That I should find this amazing is, in
itself, a revelation — but I am simply not familiar with quite this
degree of engagement in a relational dynamic liberated completely
from the dynamics of prestige and power that tend to frame
interactions in these kinds of spaces. When I think of such a
leveling of the field of ‘authority’ I think of Peter DeWitt, a
tirelessly devoted school leader, education writer, and activist
whom I’ve grown to think of as a friend as well. From one lens – a
lens ground as much by my own self-doubt, as by any honest
assessment of my value and my suspicions about world views — I have
only to learn from his great experience, insight, courage and
example – and yet he went out of his way, as he has done before, to
create a space for us to engage and to learn with each other. His
interest in extending our conversation seemed governed only by our
affinity for ideas and for action – and not at all by our relative
experience or accomplishments – in the purest demonstrations of
friendship and solidarity for their intrinsic value. He and his
mother even offered me a ride back to the airport on Sunday
afternoon – and, recognizing that his inner eighth grader and mine
could really have caused some trouble in junior high – I thanked
her for putting up with him all these years. Perhaps the best
example of what I noticed about the spirit of leadership at the
#NPEconference – which moved me to tears, for whatever reason, just
before Anthony Cody also moved me to tears with his own – was a
moment in between sessions in which Deborah Meier spent some
private time affirming the incredible efforts of student leaders
like Hannah Nguyen, Stephanie Rivera, Israel Munoz, and two
representations of the Providence Student Union, alongside Jose
Vilson, who was about to facilitate an incredible panel drawing on
their efforts and examples: I felt a little voyeuristic snapping a
picture, but I wanted to memorialize the tone and tenor of such
moments. I’m going to take it on the power of their facial
expressions and body language to me, that you’ll understand the
power and the strength of such moments, and such dynamics, for you.
2. ACTIVE LISTENING AND SELF-AWARENESS I hesitate to say this,
because if I don’t state it clearly, it will imply something
entirely different than I intend. So here goes: I have, for some
time, been deliberately studying the ways that white men –
particularly those vested with authoritative roles and rights that
extend even beyond their white privilege, and their male privilege
— understand their presence and their impact in conversational
dynamics and in space. I do this purposefully in an effort to
explore – sometimes helpfully, and sometimes ham-handedly – my own
identity, responsibility, and opportunity as a white man, as a
school leader, as a parent, as a partner, as a friend, and as a
citizen. Sometimes this presents itself in relatively banal and
mundane examples worth noting – the dude last night in the movie
theater, for example, who splayed his arms across the armrests on
both sides of his seat, stared over at my phone before the movie
started to take a peek at my twitter stream, and offered his
audible commentary to his friend throughout the coming attractions.
And sometimes this presents itself in profound examples of people
who understand the significance and symbolism of the space they
occupy, the meaning of the boundaries they presume to cross, and
the impact of the things they say on others. Recently at the
Project Zero conference in Memphis, I was struck by the example of
Rod Rock, Superintendent of Clarkston Community Schools, who was
only too content to support the leadership of a principal who
co-facilitated their workshop, and the learning of participants
who’d gathered to exchange their ideas, by listening. “Listening”
sounds simple, and innocuous enough, but what I’m talking about is
a kind of active listening that intentionally elevates the
contributions of others above the inclination to influence, to
alter, or to question those contributions. The kind of listening
that doesn’t respond to the notes that people play as good chords,
or as bad chords, but simply as unexpected chords. We do not often
see that in our leaders. And yet I saw this regularly in the
dispositions, behaviors, and actions of leaders at the NPE
conference – men and women, white folks and people of color,
‘management’ and ‘labor,’ young and old. And the personal
preoccupation I described with white male identity drew me
emphatically to the examples of white men in leadership roles who
the defy prevailing examples of white men in leadership roles. In
the same spirit as my example above, I offer this image of
Principal Peter DeWitt and Superintendent John Kuhn, alongside
co-panelist and Superintendent H.T. Sánchez: I was taken by the
purposeful efforts they made – at this instant, and in many others
like it over the course of our time in Austin — to really hear and
to honor the contributions of others; the authenticity of their
responses to questions, even and especially when they presented
them with a challenge; their willingness to take steps back in
order that others might take steps forward; and their seeming
preference to defer to the insight and experience of others, in
order that they might learn themselves. Imagine what could happen –
in and among our schools, and in the public discourse about them –
if our extended conversations and collective decision-making were
framed by such an ethos. 3. FACILITATION AS ACTIVE INCLUSION
Naturally our capacity – in the immediate relationships of our
personal and professional lives, and the collective dynamics of a
shared effort to support all our nation’s children – depends on
more than our resistance or repudiation of dynamics that limit
teacher, students, and parent voice. We need urgently to challenge
the dynamics of hierarchy, prestige, and privilege that have
seemingly determined who should have the most influential voices in
a national conversation, and we need actively to recognize and to
challenge our own dispositions to marginalizing the input of others
who may not share, or who may not have a space to share, their
views. But we also need to make active, purposeful, intentional,
conspicuous, and fierce efforts to create a space for other people
and ideas. We need to develop active facilitation and inclusion
skills alongside those interruption and resistance skills with
which we may be more practiced. To that end, words cannot describe
the influence on me of Jose Vilson’s example. There’s a lot that
has inspired me in Jose’s work, and a lot that has made me dig
deeper in the healthiest kinds of ways, over the time I’ve been
familiar with him. But at the NPE conference I got to see him do
his thing in a real-life situation for the first time. In the first
case, I watched him quietly, respectfully, and clearly create and
protect a safe and productive space for the contributions of
exceptional student leaders: He did so not just by lauding the
efforts of these brave young activists, but by creating a structure
of adult participation that limited our inclination — no matter how
noble or well-meaning our intentions might be — to steer or shape
the conversation. He did so by noticing the impact of our responses
(applause, silence, commentary) on the dynamics of the
conversation, and by providing subtle cues to adults that helped us
co-create an inclusive space. He did so by gently and respectfully
pushing two student participants’ thinking further – not at all to
question or to critique that thinking, but to lure these students’
wisdom past the threshold of their nerves, and to give their
insights the wings of words that might carry us all further forward
in our recognition, support, and deference to authentic student
voice in the months and years to come. He did it again during a
Common Core panel with several other extraordinary participants,
but in a different way. In that context, he managed to create a
space for voices and dynamics that are rarely present in such
conversations — either about the ‘standards,’ or the high-stakes
testing and evaluation schemes with which they are inextricably
intertwined. Jose insisted, through his words and through his
example, that we examine the implications and impact of education
policy and politics through the lens of race and ethnicity; that we
deconstruct and challenge the facile assertions of some
policymakers and pundits that they are fighting for “the civil
rights issue of our time;” and that we recognize and honor the
many, many thousands who won’t have a seat at a table until and
unless we demand and create a shared, inclusive, respectful, and
honest Common Conversation. – – – To make a long story short –
though I suppose that’s absurd to suggest after all this
carrying-on of mine – I can’t help but wonder what will happen when
– not ‘if,’ but when – the dynamics of relational learning,
community, solidarity, and inclusion I witnessed in Austin begin –
not just in pockets, and not just in gatherings such as these – to
inform the national conversation about education in this country.
The increasing trepidation of neoliberal reformers in recent weeks
suggests an unprecedented moment of vulnerability, if not of
welcome; the swelling resistance of students, teachers, and parents
throughout this land bespeaks the turn, if not the time, of real
change; the power of this experience demonstrates, by example, the
inevitable impact of our efforts to reclaim the national
conversation, to restore our collective sanity, and to reinvigorate
a collective and inclusive insistence that our schools should be
the laboratories and the proving grounds of our democracy. As Diane
Ravitch concluded her keynote, with words that were both
inspiration and confirmation for us all: “The walls of Jericho will
come tumbling down…. Blow your trumpets. Wake the town. Tell the
people. “It’s a well known-saying, but I never tire of reading it
or writing it: Margaret Mead says, “Never doubt that a small group
of individuals can change the world. That’s the only thing that
ever has.” “We will reclaim our schools as kind and friendly places
for teaching and learning – not profit centers for corporations,
and entrepreneurs, and snake-oil salesmen, and consultants. “We are
many, and they are few. And this is why we will win.” – – – You can
follow Chris Thinnes on Twitter at @CurtisCFEE

The front group misleadingly called “Families for Excellent Schools” has added nearly another $1 million to the $3.6 million it has spent on television advertising to slam Mayor Bill de Blasio and to press Albany to expand funding for charter schools. Of course, none of the families of the children in the ads are paying for the ads. Four of the five founding board members of “Families for Excellent Schools” are Wall Street hedge fund managers. Other major contributors to the group are Los Angeles billionaire Eli Broad and the far-right Walton Family Foundation. The ads were paid for by hedge fund managers and allies, including the billionaire Paul Tudor Jones, on behalf of Eva Moskowitz’s Success Academy. According to Forbes, Paul Tudor Jones manages $13 billion in assets; he has decided that he wants to “save” public education by privatizing it. His Robin Hood Foundation raises as much as $80 million in a single night for his causes.

 

The goal of the negative TV ads is to intimidate Mayor Bill de Blasio and make sure he never rejects another charter school proposal. It is focused on de Blasio’s decision not to allow Eva Moskowitz’s Success Academy is to expand into a middle school in a Harlem public school where it currently has an elementary school. De Blasio rejected the proposal because the expansion of Harlem Success Academy 4 would have required the eviction of students with disabilities from the public school.

 

The billionaires supporting the charter movement see an opportunity not only to drive down de Blasio’s poll numbers and end his “tax-the-rich talk,” but to bully the legislature into increasing funding for charter schools and guaranteeing by law that they can never be moved from whatever public space they have and never have to pay rent.

 

Last Sunday, de Blasio held out the olive branch to charters, pleading that charters and public schools should work together. He doesn’t understand that the charter schools are not in a mood to compromise. De Blasio followed up his conciliatory speech by creating a committee to discuss how to utilize space in the public schools. He added to the committee a representative of Paul Tudor Jones’ Robin Hood Foundation and David Levin from KIPP. (Recall that a KIPP school in Washington Heights has a padded closet where children are placed when they misbehave, a practice that would not be permitted in public schools.) Public school parents howled in outrage on blogs and saw this as pre-emptive surrender, considering that the very people paying for the ads are now on a committee to decide how much space to give to charter schools.

 

If they can pay more than $4 million for a negative TV campaign, why can’t they afford to pay rent for use of public space. In light of the recent court decision won by Moskowitz saying that her schools cannot be audited by public authorities, it is clear that her schools are not public schools. The judge agreed with her contention that Success Academy is not “a unit of the state.” Like charters elsewhere, she claims that the schools are run by a private corporation with a government contract. Why shouldn’t this private corporation pay rent for use of public space? Why should they be allowed to be squatters when they can afford the rent? Why should their desire for more space take precedence over the well-being of children with the greatest needs, who have no billionaires to lobby for them?

 

 

The New York Times published a story about the political consultants to Mayor de Blasio who have been paid $236,000 to lobby in Albany for universal pre-kindergarten, which would help poor children across the city.

 

The New York Times has not written a story about the more than $4 million spent by hedge fund managers to gain preferential treatment for privately managed charter schools and to guarantee that they will never be moved out of public space without their consent and never be required to pay rent and never be subject to public audit. Some of the details about the billionaires behind the ad blitz were used as background in a Times’ story about de Blasio’s conciliatory speech at Riverside Church, where he reached out to the charter sector. There is an irony that a church associated with social justice was the setting for the city’s first progressive mayor in decades to be compelled to humble himself to the titans of Wall Street.

 

Why does the Times finds it newsworthy that the Mayor and his allies paid $236,000 to lobby for pre-school for all children, but it is not newsworthy that Wall Street billionaires shell out $4 million to protect schools that enroll 6% of the city’s children, schools that have the power to kick out any students they don’t want, schools that take few or no children with disabilities, and half as many English language learners?

 

Chancellor Carmen Farina has taken on a massive challenge by stepping into a central office shaped by people who were mostly non-educators, who had a faith-based reliance on test scores, and who believed that the way to “reform” schools was to close them. This strategy didn’t work, by any measure. By the end of Bloomberg’s term, the overwhelming majority of parents were opposed to his “reforms,” and wanted smaller classes and better education, not just more testing. I wrote this report with the research assistance of Avi Blaustein, an independent researcher.

Here are some ideas for Chancellor Farina.

Next Steps in Reforming the New York City Public Schools

The media, politicians, and corporate sponsored think tanks will go on a no-holds-barred offensive against anyone who dares to challenge the sacred-cows of corporate education reform. We saw this response when Mayor de Blasio decided to preventing a charter school chain from evicting students with special needs from their public school. Evidence is irrelevant when special interests are at stake. It therefore behooves us to pre-emptively get the true numbers and accurate facts out there along with some ideas for fixing the damage done over the past dozen years in New York City.

Reform the district governance structures with an eye to creating community ownership. It is time to restore community school districts. These districts were dis-empowered and replaced by non-geographic networks as the organizing framework for management of schools. Although this was portrayed as an attempt to support schools, it actually centralized power at Tweed (the New York City Department of Education’s headquarters building) and silenced community voice. It has also proved to be an ineffectual way to support schools. 33% of the 55 Networks received ineffective or developing quality ratings. An audit by the NYC Comptroller’s Office found that “it is difficult to determine whether or not that support increased the efficiency of the school’s day-to-day operations.”

Disband the Networks and empower local instructional superintendents to oversee and support a group of 15 schools in the same neighborhood. This will re-build relationships and trust with the community, allow the development of deep school/community organization partnerships, and spread best practices throughout the schools serving the community. Back office functions should be run out of borough-based offices.

Reform and downsize the bloated central bureaucracy at Tweed. Over the past years central office headcount increased by 70% and the salaries by 79%. The number of non-pedagogues employed by the DOE increased to the highest levels since 1980. According to the Independent Budget Office, an ever increasing share of money budgeted to “total classroom instruction” actually went to central offices. In 2007 about $550,000,000 went to central offices and in 2012 about $793,000,000 went to central offices, approximately a 45% increase in total classroom instruction dollars going to central offices. This is an outrage, and it should end.

Cut the size of the staff at Tweed and return those funds to schools to reduce class sizes. Bring in pedagogical experts who can design and implement progressive education policy, which the current large crop of executive directors, CEOs, COOs, deputy executive directors, deputy CEOs, deputy COOs populating the cubicles at Tweed are both unable and unwilling to do.

 

Revise the “Blue Book” that determines how much space is every school so that every school has enough classrooms for its students’ needs. Once the Blue Book is revised, there will be fewer co-locations, and schools would have art rooms, dance rooms, rooms for special education classes, and other programs.

 

Prioritize class size reduction. New York City’s class sizes are at their highest point in at least a dozen years. Just as the research on preschool education is strong, so is the research on class size reduction, especially in schools that serve the poorest and neediest students.

 

Hold community hearings and listen to parents and the local community before agreeing to any future co-locations. This was a campaign promise that the Mayor made, yet he recently approved 36 new requests for co-location without any community. participation.

Reform the accountability process to create valid and reliable mechanisms for providing parents with information and providing schools with feedback. The Progress Reports that schools have been subject to over the past years give lower grades to schools serving higher proportions of Black and Latino students, English Language Learners, and students with disabilities. Progress Report scores remain correlated with many pre-existing risk factors, including poverty, 8th grade achievement, the percent of students who are ELLs, and the school’s admissions method.

Stop penalizing schools that educate the neediest students. Stop rewarding schools that get rid of challenging students. Develop clear, succinct, and accurate reports of each school’s program describing the academics, the extracurriculars, and the culture at each school.

Reform how students are matched to schools to increase equity. The data on all schools closed since 2003 shows that they had more special education students, more English Language Learners, a higher poverty rate, and 4x more students entering overage than the citywide average. Another report found that new schools accepted 9-10% more students proficient in reading and math, with 4% average higher prior attendance who were 15% less likely to enter overage, 6% less likely to be ELLS, 5% less likely to be students with disabilities, and 7% fewer males. The closing and opening of schools has done nothing to reduce the segregation of students by academic need. The DOE has deliberately sent the highest-need, “over the counter” students to a specific group of schools that then struggled and failed. Most small schools were not sent such students. De facto education redlining continues to exist in NYC with extreme inequities in educational opportunity across districts.

Establish a school matching process that ensures diversity and equity within and between every school.

Reform school funding to increase fairness in the distribution of resources. Although it is claimed that schools are funded based on student need, the dollars say otherwise. Schools are actually provided with different proportions of the funds they are entitled to by the funding formula. This results in schools in the same building being funded at rates that diverge by over 20%.

Give every single school the funds to which they are entitled by the funding formula so that they can educate their students.

Reform how principals are trained with an eye to improving the quality of leadership. Bloomberg’s Leadership Academy was a failure. It was created at great expense ($10 million per year) to fast-track people, often with limited teaching experience, into principal positions. According to the latest data, 32% of the 2011-12 cohort of Leadership Academy graduates did not find principal positions. Over 40% of Leadership Academy graduates from earlier cohorts are no longer principals in their original school after a mere 4 years. The market has spoken and these principals are not wanted, even with the pressure exerted to encourage their hiring.

The Leadership Academy should be closed and replaced by a career ladder of teacher leader to assistant principal to principal with on-the-job mentoring and training. Only the most successful educators at each level should have the privilege of leadership.

It is time for New York City to join districts such as Union City and San Diego, in implementing true education reform, built on the principles of professionalism and genuine community engagement. The evidence shows that this requires a coherent, cohesive strategy that involves collaboration, a focus on teaching and learning, development of engaging curriculum, and a quality pre-K program.

I received the following statement from Andrea Rediske about the political games now being played in the Florida legislature.

 

 

“An open letter to Florida Legislators:

“When Orange County Public Schools required a letter from the hospice company overseeing the end of Ethan’s life justifying the extension of the FAA waiver, two thoughts came to my mind. The first was: “This is absolutely shameful,” and the second was: “This could happen to someone else.” It was the second thought that motivated me to come forward with our story. Two years ago, when I was fighting for Ethan to be granted a waiver for the FAA, I wrote to state legislators and the Department of Education appealing for help, but was summarily dismissed. Each person I wrote to merely cited policies and statutes as justification for the FAA. So, after our story broke, I was delighted, humbled, and grateful when Karen Castor-Dentel proposed HB 895, which she named the “Ethan Rediske Act.” This act would make it easier for severely disabled and medically fragile children like my son to receive waivers for the FAA. Parents like me would be relieved of the burden of having to submit yet more paperwork to aid in the care of their children. I thought to myself that surely the Florida legislature would see the need for this type of legislation. Surely they would see that there were other children in the state like Ethan who were suffering as the result of the requirements of the FAA. Surely the officials I had voted to represent my family and me would do the right thing for my son and for the other children like him in Florida. It seemed as if the legislation would sail through the voting process. I was wrong.

“Since I have come forward with our story, support from parents and teachers across the state and all over the country have been overwhelmingly positive, but exposing my private grief to the public has not been without negativity. Responses to media coverage of Ethan’s story have been met with such comments as, “Why doesn’t she homeschool him?” “Why didn’t she just ignore this?” “Why bother teaching Ethan at all?” And the worst, “Why are my tax dollars being wasted on teaching a retarded child?” I have addressed both the Florida Department of Education and the Orange County School Board mere days and weeks after Ethan’s death. I was publicly yet tacitly accused by the Florida Commissioner of Education Pam Stuart of using my personal tragedy to further my political motivations. And HB 895 was not even put on the K-12 Subcommittee agenda by Representative Janet Adkins. All of these blows and setbacks struck me while I was grieving the loss of my son.

“Nearly two months after the bill was introduced, I have been informed the bill entitled, “The Ethan Rediske Act” has been tabled. I have just learned that the verbiage of the bill has been subsumed by a larger bill on school accountability – HB 7117, and the Ethan Rediske Act has been relegated to page 38 of a 47-page bill. I don’t know why legislators have decided to make the change at this time, after all of the public support for the Ethan Rediske Act. I don’t understand why a bill with my son’s name on it poses such a threat. I have been a microbiology professor for 11 years. In the fall, I will begin a PhD program in Science Education. I feel most at home in front of a classroom or in a teaching lab – politics is not my arena. I feel that I have taken advantage of every channel open to me to have some kind of influence over this legislation, but to no avail. The very least I can hope for is a few short paragraphs on page 38 of HB 7117 to help other children and families in our situation. Florida Legislators, I am appealing once again to you to do the right thing: Pass this bill that would make it easier for students like Ethan to receive waivers for the FAA. Help families like ours who are already struggling under the intensely heavy burden of caring for a disabled and medically fragile child. Please rename it the Ethan Rediske Act.

Thank you,

Andrea Rediske”

 

P.S. Peter Greene thinks that the legislature hoaxed the Rediske family by removing his name from the bill and sticking his cause into a terrible new accountability bill. I guess we will have to wait and see how this plays out.

Andrea Rediske, the mother of Ethan Rediske, worked tirelessly to persuade the State Legislature in Florida to pass an act that would have eliminated the state’s relentless demand to test Ethan as he lay dying in hospice.

Ethan was born with profound disabilities; he was blind and suffered from cerebral palsy, yet the state tormented him to take its standardized tests. Read Andrea Rediske’s testimony to the state legislature here. 

The act, which was to be called the Ethan Rediske Act, would have allowed local officials to make the decision not to test students like Ethan, rather than going through an elaborate process that required a waiver from the state, one that must be signed by the Florida Secretary of Education, who must review and personally sign every single waiver.

You see, in Florida, standardized testing has become the Holy Grail. It is the Golden Calf. It is the one idea that has permeated the thinking of almost every legislator. If they cannot measure children’s ability to pick the right box or bubble on a test purchased from a major vendor, then education ceases to exist in the state of Florida. This might be thought of as Jeb Bush’s theology, and he has a large number in his testing cult.

Andrea Rediske thought that it was madness to try to test Ethan. She “knew it made no sense for her son, who couldn’t speak and was fed through a tube, to be asked about how a peach tastes.

Or to ask a blind child to point to a picture of a monkey. (That’s another real-life example for another student in Orange County.)

Or to then professionally evaluate those kids’ teachers based on how the kids score on tests they could never really take.”

After Ethan’s death, his mother pushed hard for passage of “The Ethan Rediske Act,” to protect children like him from being harassed by the state. Pam Stewart, the State Commissioner of Education, then wrote a letter to every educator in the state, implying  that Andrea Rediske’s valiant fight to protect other children with severe disabilities was “a political effort to attack assessments by using the tragic situations of children with special needs.” In other words, the state commissioner chastised Andrea Rediske for “politicizing” her son’s death. There are times when you do wonder whether  public officials have any sense of shame. This is one of them. The appropriate response from Stewart would have been to offer her sincere condolences to the Rediske family and to offer to help change the law so that children like Ethan were never again harassed by state officials. Conservatives claim to be against “big government,” but it appears from this example that “big government” is just fine so long as they are in charge and can invade other people’s privacy, their confidential student data, their hospital rooms, their hospices, and their bedrooms.

Andrea Rediske wrote to tell me that the Ethan Rediske Act will not be passed, but language protecting children in his condition will be inserted into another bill. The state bureaucracy–especially the highly politicized and intellectually vacuous Florida Department of Education, could not bear the thought of the act passing. But Andrea Rediske wins anyway because the heart of Ethan’s Act survives.

 

Andrea Rediske wrote:

Ethan’s Act is indeed dead, but it’s been incorporated into a larger bill on school accountability.

Here is the link to the bill: http://mfhmobile.info/Sections/Documents/loaddoc.aspx?FileName=_h7117c1.docx&DocumentType=Bill&BillNumber=7117&Session=2014

Page 38 has the verbiage on children with medical complexity. It states that a child with a medical complexity determined by their physician and IEP team will not be required to take standardized testing.

 

Assuming this bill passes, we may conclude that in the future, children like Ethan will not be tortured by the state of Florida to take meaningless tests. Nor will their parents be tortured by insensitive, heartless bureaucrats in the Florida Department of Education.

Ethan has won a victory for other children.

God rest his soul.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Karen Wolfe, a parent in Los Angeles, tries
to understand why liberals and progressives find themselves
opposed
to Common Core and lumped together with the Tea
Party, with whom they otherwise have no agreement. While the Tea
Party opposes the Common Core because they fear a federal takeover
of public education, liberals and progressives have different
reasons to oppose the Common Core. Karen Wolfe writes:
Ideologically speaking, it is baffling that any liberal
would adopt the education reform agenda with its call to deregulate
schools as a public good, and destabilize labor unions which have
historically been huge supporters of the Democratic party.
(Although one only has to consider neo-liberalism to understand the
call to privatize.)
But, in education, for
liberal politicians, money trumps ideology. Politicians simply
cannot resist the money — or at least the possibility of preventing
the billionaires from filling the campaign coffers of their
opponents. When billionaires like Eli Broad pretend to be
Democrats, it’s a very effective way of infiltrating the Democratic
inner sanctum, long a champion of public education. (I say
“pretend” after a Common Cause complaint to the Fair Political
Practices Commission revealed that Eli Broad and other billionaires
had secretly funded opposition to Governor Brown’s tax proposition
while publicly supporting it.)
Ideology only
explains a small part of the opposition to Common Core.

If liberals oppose Common Core for any ideological
reason, it’s probably less about an ideology than a distaste for
lining the pockets of giant corporations. It’s more likely that the
overwhelmingly negative reaction to Common Core isn’t ideological
at all.
Many critics feel like the major
purpose of Common Core is to make teaching measurable. Even if one
is convinced that that goal is a reasonable one to cure what ails
our schools — and many of
us are not — some
things are not easy to quantify. Think of the best teacher you ever
had. It’s doubtful that you conjure images of Scan-Tron
tests.
Let me say for the record, if it need saying,
that I have no sympathy for the Tea Party. I want more government
support to alleviate social and economic problems. I want the
federal government to return to its role as a guarantor of equity,
not a force to compel states to enact policies that are harmful to
children and to public education. I want more funding for programs
that benefit needy children. I think their obsessive hatred for
everything associated with President Obama is absurd. I disagree
with President Obama about education, but I voted for him, and I
support him in other areas, especially if he is serious about
inequality, which is the cancer of our society. I oppose the Common
Core in its present form because I fear that it was designed to
make public education look bad, that it was designed as part of a
larger plan to measure every child and every teacher, and that it
was designed to enrich big corporations like Pearson and the dozens
of other entrepreneurs now sucking public money out of the schools.
Until teachers in every state have a chance to revise the Common
Core and make it developmentally appropriate, I will continue to
oppose it. Until the Common Core is decoupled from the Common Core
testing, I will continue to oppose it. The passing marks on the
federally-funded tests were set far too high for most students, and
we will see massive failure rates among our neediest students if
the cut scores are not readjusted to align with the reality of how
children learn and what they know and should know. The Common Core
will die a natural or unnatural death at the hands of parents,
teachers, school boards, and citizens if it is not open to
criticism and revision. As more states test the Common Core, the
opposition will grow bolder, as it has in New York. Given how toxic
it is now, it may be dead already. Politicians, who usually don’t
give a fig about education, now are distancing themselves from the
Common Core.

Arne Duncan, Bill Gates, Michelle Rhee, and the National
Council on Teacher Quality think they know what makes a great
teacher. A great teacher is the one whose students got higher test
scores this year than last year. A great teacher, they think,
brooks no excuses. In the no excuses charter schools, the teachers
snap their fingers and demand immediate compliance with commands.
Nicholas Ferroni, who teaches teenagers, decided to ask his
students what they think make a great teacher. He wrote about what
they said on Huffington Post. Here
are their answers.
The answers that occur most
frequently are “caring,” “dedicated,” “kind.” No one mentions test
scores. Who do you remember as your greatest teacher? What did he
or she do that made them the best?

As the New York Daily News broke the news that hedge fund managers behind a front group called “Families for Excellent Schools” spent more than $4 million for attack ads against de Blasio and for protection of privately managed charter schools–which are not subject to public audit because they are not public schools–parent advocates announced an emergency rally to protect the public schools and the 94% of children who attend them.

Media Contacts:
Julian Vinocur. 203.313.2479. julian@aqeny.org
Dan Morris. 917.952.8920. dlmcommunications@gmail.com

 

*** Media Advisory for Today, March 27, 12:15pm, Steps of Dept. of Education, 52 Chambers St. , Lower Manhattan***

 

BREAKING: Rally Against Corrupt State Budget Deal Being Made with Charter School Lobbyists
*At 12:15 today, Elected Officials Will Condemn a Deal that will Give 5 X More Money to Charter Schools Per Pupil than to Traditional District Schools in New York City*
***The Pay-to-Play Deal is the Result of a $5 Million Charter School Lobbying Campaign Funded by Top Donors to Cuomo, Klein, the IDC, and Senate Republicans***

 

WHAT: At a major rally today, elected officials, parents, and advocates will condemn a state budget deal orchestrated by charter lobbyists, who are top donors to Cuomo, the IDC, and Senate Republicans, to give charter schools 5 times more money per pupil than traditional district public schools. They will speak out against the $ 5 million ad campaign lobbyists used to get charter schools a sweetheart deal in the budget and to open the door to gubernatorial control of schools.
=> Participants will Tweet using the #NoGovControl hashtag

 

WHO: Councilmember and Chair of the Education Committee Daniel Dromm; Council Members Carlos Menchaca, Laurie Cumbo, Ruben Wills, Jimmy Van Bramer, Antonio Reyonoso, Helen Rosenthal, Mark Treyger, Daneek Miller; Public school parents co-located with Success Academy, at PS 149/811, Soundview Academy, Seth Low; parents and advocates from the Alliance for Quality Education, New York Communities for Change and Make the Road New York.

 

WHERE: Steps of the Dept. of Education, 52 Chambers St., Lower Manhattan
WHEN: Today, Thursday, March 27, 12:15pm.
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