Massachusetts is considering lifting the cap on charter schools. This move is being pressed by Republican Governor Charlie Baker and the usual gang of hedge fund managers, entrepreneurs, and free-market ideologues.
Public school parents are rightfully alarmed. Massachusetts is renowned for having the best schools in the nation. It is the birthplace of public education. This is where Horace Mann, as the state’s first Secretary of Education, persuaded his fellow citizens that the entire community would benefit by supporting the education of the young in common schools.
Now, almost 200 years later, a coterie of faux reformers want to destroy the great public school system that Horace Mann built and that millions of taxpayers have sustained. These so-called reformers believe that Horace Mann was wrong. They want taxpayers to fund privately managed schools, chain schools run by corporate entities.
Andrea Gabor, professor of business journalism at Baruch College of the City University of New York, writes here that Massachusetts should learn from the “calamity” caused by charter school expansion in Michigan.
She analyzes a study by David Arsen of Michigan State University that shows how the growth of charters affects the remaining public schools. (Jennifer Berkshire, who blogs as EduShyster, interviewed Arsen about his study, which is cited by Gabor.)
The charter landscape in Detroit is so bad it makes New Orleans, which has the largest concentration of charters in the country and, a decade after Hurricane Katrina, more than a few growing pains—see here and here and here and here look like a well oiled machine. While there is little transparency or regulation in either city, Detroit has so many charter authorizers that when a school’s charter is revoked for poor quality—as has often happened—they need only go shopping for a new authorizer; New Orleans, by contrast, has had only two main authorizers.
Arsen’s study, which looked at every school district in Michigan with at least 100 students and followed them for nearly two decades, found “that 80 percent of the explained variation in district fiscal stress is due to changes in districts’ state funding, to enrollment changes including those associated with school choice policies, and to the enrollment of high-cost, special education students.”
To put it simply, Arsen told Berkshire: We found that, overwhelmingly, the biggest financial impact on school districts was the result of declining enrollment and revenue loss, especially where school choice and charters are most prevalent.”
Arsen points out that Michigan has one of the most “highly centralized school finance systems” in the country. “[T]he state sets per pupil funding levels for each district, and most operating revenues follow students when they move among districts or charter schools. Districts have very limited authority to raise additional tax revenues for school operations from local sources.” Consequently, when enrollments decline, either because families move out of the district or put their children in charter schools, local authorities have little choice but to reduce spending.
Arsens study….shows that the impact of this funding formula hits the mostly African-American central cities the hardest, with a 46 percent drop in inflation-adjusted school funding revenue between 2002 and 2013.
Bottom line: as charters grow, they suck the resources and the life out of nearby public schools. They are like a parasite that kills its host unless it is contained or removed.

I’m an Indiana public school administrator…all that can be said is Fight, Fight, Fight! Don’t allow the expansion, your funding will be diminished to support the unnecessary charters.
LikeLike
I am in MA and have been writing letters against this. Does anyone else in MA think we stand a chance of winning this?
LikeLike
One side is about power and control, the other is about public education and best interests of all children.
LikeLike
Yes, but power and control = $$$$.
LikeLike
I have been sending these studies and analyses to my locally elected officials. I hope other advocates will do the same, especially with Congress and state legislatures in recess now. They’re in their home districts and can see for themselves what these policies are doing to communities.
LikeLike
I think what people in Massachusetts will find is that it isn’t so much “charter schools” but instead the complete hijacking of the state education apparatus that results in public schools either being attacked or completely ignored.
Public schools just drop off the radar, and as more and more ed reformers flood into the state, public schools drop further and further down the list of lawmaker priorities. Charter promoters hire other charter promoters and one “sector” becomes the entire focus.
You’ll be amazed. You’ll have YEARS where nothing comes out of the statehouse BUT charter school policy- they’ll either be expanding charter schools or funding charter schools or developing schemes to regulate charter schools. The moment they expand charter schools they’ll then start working on allocating facility funding towards charter schools. They’ll do that for a decade and then it will be time to “reform” charter schools.
That’s BEFORE the voucher push starts, because one follows the other. Once the voucher people arrive (and they will- it’s all the same group) it’ll be as if public schools are already gone. The public system(s) are treated as a given – the “traditional” schools that no one is much interested in and are ONLY used as a comparison point for the charter/voucher sector. You’ll start to realize your schools are only useful to this “movement” as data collection centers- the “status quo” that justifies further privatization.
LikeLike
People can actually see this for themselves. Listen to the charter promoters and see if you hear anything about improving PUBLIC schools. That’s how it begins. The existing systems are completely ignored at the outset and that policy frame never changes. The BEST you will do under ed reform governance is hang onto existing levels of funding and staffing and programming. That’s your absolute best case.
“Improving” existing public schools will never again be mentioned other than periodic scolding lectures on how every child must test. Once your schools produce the test score data and turn it over the state they’ll then drop off the radar again until “testing season” begins again.
LikeLike
I almost forgot the best part. Get ready for your schools to discussed ONLY in the context of labor unions. The frame will be set up that the only people who support public schools are “self interested” labor union members and they will portray this political campaign as brave reformers versus icky union bosses. Guess which side of that they’ve now placed your school? Yup. Just a building that employs labor union members.
You won’t recognize your schools because of course you probably don’t think of them as “government schools run by labor unions” but that will be the ONLY context in which they’re ever discussed. Your kid and his or her school will now be placed on the labor union side of a labor versus anti-labor battle.
It’s not great, I’ll tell ya. You’ll wonder when every kid and parent and community member in and around that school became involuntary soldiers in the ed reform war against unions. Not to mention that THE SCHOOL drops out of the debate completely.
LikeLike
In order to learn you must desire to learn …
Ay, there’s the rub …
LikeLike
Another data point for the “ed reform mindlessly cheerleading online learning” category.
Pearson apparently surveys students. Pearson then promotes the student responses they collected so schools will buy more Pearson product.
They are selling online learning:
“Seventy percent of students like online and blended learning because they can go at their own pace.”
I give them credit for integrating the product lines using the students as involuntary and unpaid salespeople. Innovative! 🙂
http://www.pearsoned.com/education-blog/2016-prek-12-student-snapshot-infographic/?utm_source=social&utm_medium=TWITTER
LikeLike
I responded at length to Jennifer’s posting citing lots of ways that the Michigan situation is inapposite to Massachusetts.
http://edushyster.com/the-cost-of-choice/
What Gabor adds to the discussion of the Massachusetts situation, I find unpersuasive. For example she writes:
“Massachusetts charters are, for the most part, high performing, as measured by test scores, although in Boston, as in Harlem and elsewhere, charter-school demographics don’t look anything like that of their traditional-public-school counterparts. For example, charter schools in Boston still enroll only about 13 percent English Language Learners, compared to about 30 percent in public schools, according to Cara Stillings Candal, a researcher at the pro-charter Pioneer Institute.”
In respect to presence of ELL and special needs students at Boston charter schools, I would recommend that Gabor attend to Elizabeth’s Setren’s research: http://economics.mit.edu/files/11208
“This paper uses admissions lotteries to estimate the effects of Boston’s charter school enrollment on student achievement and classification for special needs students.”
[…]
“Charters generate academic gains even for the most disadvantaged charter applicants. Special needs students who scored in the bottom third on their state exams in the year of the lottery experience large positive effects of over 0.22 standard deviations in math. English Language Learners with the lowest baseline English exam scores have the largest gains. Students with the most severe needs–special education students who spent the majority of their time in substantially separate classrooms and ELLs with beginning English proficiency at the time of the lottery–perform significantly better in charters than in traditional public schools.”
“I also document striking differences in special needs classification practices in Boston charter and traditional public schools. Charter enrollment nearly doubles the likelihood that a student in special education at the time of the lottery loses this classification by the beginning of the following school year. Moreover, charters are three times as likely to remove an ELL classification. Charters are also three times more likely than traditional public schools to move special education students into general education classrooms. Classification practices are weakly correlated to charter gains, suggesting that special needs classification is not essential for special needs students to make progress.”
[…]
This paper “documents that special needs students are now proportionally represented in charter lotteries. Even those with the highest need are close to proportional representation in charter lotteries. Furthermore, charters remove special needs classifications at a higher rate than traditional public schools and move special education students to more inclusive classrooms. These differences in classification practices make the proportion of special needs students in charters appear smaller.”
And where Gabor writes:
“While Boston charters outshine public schools on test scores, graduates of Boston public schools are more likely to graduate from college than do their charter counterparts, according to the Boston Opportunity Agenda 2015 annual report card, which is funded by, among others, the pro-charter Boston Foundation.”
That’s false.
On page 17 of the 2015 Boston Opportunity Agenda report card there is a table labeled “College Completion Rates for High School Graduates”. But examining the data presented in the text, one finds it should instead have read “College Completion Rates for High School Graduates who Subsequently Enrolled in College.” And not only did a considerably higher percentage of the charter school student cohort graduate high school within 5 years (81% vs 65%), but of those graduates, a considerably higher percentage enrolled in college.
The key sentences in the report which most likely present the data properly are these:
For BPS students, “Of the students who entered 9th grade in 2002, 65% completed high school in five years, only 34% enrolled in college, and only 17% obtained a degree within six years of the date they should have graduated from high school.” (page 16)
Note that 50% college completion of the 34% who were college enrollees = 17%
For Boston charter school students: “The cohort of 9th-graders that started in 2002 performed slightly better than those in BPS. Of the students who entered the 9th grade in 2002, 81% completed high school in five years, 60% enrolled in college, and 25% had a postsecondary degree within six years of high school graduation.” (page 17)
Note that 42% college completion of the 60% who were college enrollees = 25%
If one were to do the calculation for all the high school graduates (to achieve the numbers that Gabor was striving to present), rather than for just the college enrollees, I think the proper figures would be: 26% of BPS graduates in that cohort completed college (.26*65=17) as contrasted with 31% of the charter school graduates (.31*81=25) who completed college.
The more recent 2016 figures Boston Opportunity Agenda Report Card figures showed an even greater disparity with an even higher relative % of charter school students going on to graduate college compared with the BPS students.
LikeLike
Regarding ELLs, the MIT findings are at odds with those of Cara Stillings of the very pro-charter Pioneer Institute who shows that ELL enrollment in Boston public schools is 17 points higher than in Boston charters. Perhaps part of the discrepancy has to do with the fact that the MIT study looks only at elementary and middle schools, not high schools. Its worth noting that the MIT study excludes charter schools that account for 14 percent of all charter school enrollments for a variety of reasons, including the fact that the schools “declined to participate” or “had insufficient records.”
Regarding high school graduation and college completion rates, the numbers in the study ARE confusing: Boston public high schools graduated 66% of their students in four years against 74 percent for charter schools. But it’s the public-school college completion numbers that are particularly impressive: “Since the baseline class of 2000, the percentage of [public-school] students who complete a college degree or other postsecondary credential within six years of high-school graduation has grown from 35% to 50%.” By contrast, Boston charter-school students were completing college at the rate of 42% during the same period. Then, and here’s where it gets particularly confusing, the same study says that “the cohort of 9th-graders that started in 2002 performed slightly better than those in BPS.”
Whichever way you look at it, as the study itself notes: “Boston Public High Schools are making tremendous progress on college completion.” They are at least holding their own against charters schools. The success of the Boston public schools is particularly noteworthy given that so many boys disappear from charter schools by the time they reach their senior year.
Thanks for reading and commenting.
LikeLike
“Regarding ELLs, the MIT findings are at odds with those of Cara Stillings”
Are you perhaps comparing apples and apple pie? Setren’s graphs in Figure A2 labeled “Figure A2: English Language Learner Prevalence in Charters and Boston Public Schools” represent the “percent of students with ELL status at the time of the lottery… Using the ELL status at the time of the lottery ignores any post-lottery changes to classification.” Whereas Cara Stilling Candal speaks about how many students remain classified ELL at later points in time as reflected in enrollment data. Setren explains that the disparate incidence that Stillings Candal alludes to derives in large part from differences in classification practices and language acquisition success rather than differences in the nature of the kids entering the schools. As she says, “Charter enrollment nearly doubles the likelihood that a student in special education at the time of the lottery loses this classification by the beginning of the following school year. Moreover, charters are three times as likely to remove an ELL classification… These differences in classification practices make the proportion of special needs students in charters appear smaller.”
A little hyperbolic analogy to see if we can get on the same page:
10 ELL kids enroll in 9th grade at Freedom High.
10 ELL kids enroll in 9th grade at Problem Prep.
By the end of 9th grade all those kids at Problem Prep are reading proficiently and are no longer classified as ELL as they enter 10th grade. In 10th grade those 10 kids who entered Freedom High are still classified as ELL.
Charter school enthusiasts and critics look at studies of 10th graders, find much higher ELA test scores at Problem Prep. Critics say yeah well that’s because there’s a lot more ELL students in 10th grade at Freedom High. Ten versus zero. Charter school enthusiasts sigh, roll their numerate eyes, and go buy another round of Uber.
You write, starting by quoting the 2015 Report Card:
“‘Since the baseline class of 2000, the percentage of [public-school] students who complete a college degree or other postsecondary credential within six years of high-school graduation has grown from 35% to 50%.’ By contrast, Boston charter-school students were completing college at the rate of 42% during the same period.”
I’ll feel more confident that we understand that Report Card the same way, if we keep focus on the underlying numbers rather than the accompanying verbiage, which occasionally slips off track.
Seems there there may have been some contributing to the report with a scholarly understanding of “college completion rates” as the percentage of just those who enroll in college, and other editors/layout personnel without that understanding who started alluding to the same numbers as if they represented the percentage of all students in the cohort or all who became HS graduates…
Again, that 50% you allude in respect to Boston Public Schools (BPS) derives from the fraction with post secondary degrees divided just by those who enrolled in those degree programs: 17%/34% = 50% for BPS and 25%/60% = 42% for charter schools.
And the more recent 2016 numbers remain the same at 17%/34% = 50% for BPS but changed to 35%/69% = 51% for charter schools
Click to access BOA%20Annual%202016_FinalREV15th2.pdf
Those figures all derive from DESE graduation data and we could legitimately argue with that data, but that’s a very different route…
LikeLike
This leads me to a few questions: 1) How does Massachusetts EVER elect a Republican governor? 2) Does anyone, anywhere, ever learn anything from the errors Michigan makes on a routine basis in just about every imaginable area of governance and policy? and 3) Why, of all the 50 states, did I manage to choose the one with the biggest dumbass state government and most screwed up economy and infrastructure?
Please don’t answer that last one: I beat myself up about it sufficiently as it is.
LikeLike
MPG,
Baker is not the first GOP governor. In the recent past, there was William Weld and Mitt Romney.
LikeLike
Diane, yes, I’m well-aware that this isn’t MA’s first time electing a Republican. I just find it difficult to believe each time it happens. It seems to defy my sense of the state. Michigan has had GOP governors. The last two have been complete disasters (though the Democrat in-between them was no unmixed delight). But there was one, William Milliken, who was actually excellent, and another, his predecessor, George Romney, who wasn’t bad. Those were the days when one could actually split one’s ticket with a clear conscience.
Since I’ve lived here (1992 to the present), the state has mostly voted for the Democratic POTUS candidate and for US Senators (there was one GOP win, the execrable Seth Abraham, who lasted exactly one term). Yet we’ve suffered for 16 of those 24 years with GOP governors from hell, and a state government overall that is entirely controlled by the GOP (and which has gerrymandered the state so outlandishly that it’s hard to see that changing in the future). Massachusetts is, as a whole, saner and more liberal. So those 3 GOP governors seem harder to understand for me. When I lived in MA in the ’60s & early ’70s, the Dems ruled it all.
LikeLike
If it is any consolation MPG, my blue state of NJ is happily ensconced in the charter school business.
LikeLike
I was raised (or, perhaps more accurately, lowered) in New Jersey. I was just there a couple of weeks back visiting my 89 y.o. mother and 96 y.o. aunt. They really couldn’t say enough about how deeply they despise Chris Christie. While his career in politics may well be over (ditto that of our despicable governor, Rick Snyder, thanks to the sacrifice of the people of Flint), these asshats will land on their financial feet. And no doubt, as has been the case in Ohio, there have been lots of bribes and payoffs to certain state legislators, lots of deal-making, and remarkable theft of money and services from the people of these states, particularly the neediest and least able to get justice.
And the beat(ings) go(es) on.
LikeLike
“Education…beyond all other devices of human origin, is a great equalizer of conditions of men –the balance wheel of the social machinery…It does better than to disarm the poor of their hostility toward the rich; it prevents being poor.” Horace Mann
LikeLike
I would question that last part. WISH it were true. I have taught poor children and we know that schools and teachers can help, but can not solve all the problems of living in poverty. The lucky few make it out and the rest remain in the vicious cycle. Our economic structure needs to change, but I don’t think we will become a socialist society in my lifetime.
LikeLike