Joshua Cowen, Professor of Education Policy at Michigan State University, has been researching and writing about vouchers for yearly 20 years. As you will read, school choice advocates were very angry about his criticisms of vouchers. They told him he was wrong. George Mitchell, a founder of School Choice Wisconsin wrote a comment on this blog, highly critical of negative judgments about vouchers. Here is Josh Cowen’s response.
Author: Josh Cowen
Affiliation: Professor of Education Policy, Michigan State University
Topic: Wisconsin Voucher Results
Recently, I made comments to the Wisconsin Examiner that were highly critical of Wisconsin’s system of school vouchers. The columnist for that piece had asked me as a researcher with 18 years of experience on the topic for my professional opinion about a new School Choice Wisconsin report purporting to show that Wisconsin vouchers are more cost-effective than the state’s public schools.
In response to my comments, the director of School Choice Wisconsin issued his second op-ed in one week, slamming both me and the Examiner columnist; a researcher from the Wisconsin Institute for Law and Liberty, which like School Choice Wisconsin is heavily subsidized by the voucher-advocating Bradley Foundation in Milwaukee, issued a similar social media thread; and George Mitchell himself, the co-founder of SCW, sent me not one but two angry and unsolicited emails trying to rebut me.
Among other things, I said to the Examiner: “If you took the report at its word, it’s possible to achieve exactly what they’re describing simply by exiting the children who are the most expensive to educate.”
I make similar assessments in other states, based on the large volume of data showing that voucher programs like Wisconsin’s have huge exit rates among the lowest scoring and lowest income students. I’m used to objections from conservative activists who are for ideological reasons supportive of vouchers, but the sheer volume in this case is frankly odd and warrants extra attention.
Wisconsin is also a bit different because that’s where I got much of my start on voucher research—and that’s where some of the more troubling patterns of student exits from voucher schools first emerged. As an early career analyst on the last official evaluation of vouchers—at the time, limited to the Milwaukee Parental Choice Program between 2005 and 2010—I helped study those data.
Here’s the thing: the Bradley Foundation financially supported that larger evaluation, and School Choice Wisconsin played an integral role in participant recruitment for the study.
What we found in not one but two papers published in the top education research journals in the country was that students left Milwaukee vouchers at high rates, roughly 15% of kids per year (in other states it’s above 20%), and did so in very systematic ways: the lowest scoring kids, lowest income children (even in a program targeted to lower income families to begin with) and students of color were far more likely to experience turnover out of the voucher program.
And crucially, those students did better once turning or returning to Milwaukee Public Schools. That last finding was important because kids who gave up their voucher did not enroll at the highest rated MPS schools, but they still appeared to have been better served there than when they had used a voucher.
That pattern alone can inflate the numerator in the fraction SCW used to claim voucher cost-effectiveness. By dividing the state’s accountability score by a simplistic calculation of the revenue schools receive per kid, SCW was able to claim more voucher bang for the buck. It’s simple algebra: “cost effective” can mean either a high score for a given dollar spent, or a smaller dollar spent for a given accountability score.
And if, as in our MPCP evaluation, students who leave voucher programs are especially low scoring on state exams, that would artificially push SCW’s voucher numerator high. Again, simple algebra.
That is not a particularly controversial statement among serious program evaluators who specialize in such data without an agenda. And while I’m not surprised that as the state’s chief voucher advocacy group, SCW took issue with my data-backed comments, I am surprised they’ve spent as much time as they have issuing new columns and sending me angry emails.
Of course, one way to settle lingering questions about Wisconsin’s voucher program would be to hold another multi-year evaluation, in which groups like School Choice Wisconsin, the Wisconsin Department of Public Instruction, and teacher stakeholder groups came together to agree on a third-party review of these programs.
That happened in 2005 Wisconsin Act 125, which helped create the data in our team’s reports that I cite above. But it has not happened since vouchers expanded statewide. If School Choice Wisconsin is as confident in their numbers as they claim, they should welcome such a new evaluation—just like they did back in the program’s early years.
If that happened, Wisconsin taxpayers wouldn’t have to take voucher advocates’ word for it—or mine for that matter. One of the findings from the last evaluation was that once DPI started reporting voucher results by school name (like public schools have to do), their performance improved. Voucher advocates should want new evaluations—if they don’t, what are they worried those new reviews will find?
Absent a new evaluation, what we know for certain based on what’s available to the research community is that voucher programs have extremely high rates of student turnover, and these rates are driven by particularly high rates among at-risk children. In that, the data are quite consistent with the startling report issued by journalists at Wisconsin Watch in May, documenting strategies that Wisconsin voucher schools use to select children out after admitting them originally.
In Wisconsin, as in other states, there is far more state oversight on entry into choice programs than on exits—and yet we know for a fact that exits are where modern voucher programs truly choose their students.
Either way, and based on the independent data we do have, when it comes to using vouchers it’s the school’s choice, not parental choice.

Here’s why millions of parents support alternatives to the traditional public schools.
https://www.nationalreview.com/news/forty-percent-of-baltimore-high-schools-dont-have-a-single-math-proficient-student/
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Who learns, teachers or students?
I was a public school teacher for 30 years (1975 – 2005). Some students do what it takes to learn. Some don’t.
Poverty also impacts a child’s ability to learn — DRAMATICALLY !!!!!
“Poverty correlates very strongly with academic results. Schools with low test scores nearly always have a lot of families living in poverty. Schools where families have a comfortable income always have good scores. This correlation is very stable.”
“When ranking child income poverty rates across 34 OECD nations from lowest to highest, the United States, with one of the highest rates of child poverty, ranks 31st.”
“The impact of poverty on educational outcomes for children”
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2528798/
“Starting unequal: How is life for disadvantaged children?”
Click to access Starting-unequal-How-is-life-for-disadvantaged-children-Policy-Insights-July-2022.pdf
It is not the schools fault if students are not learning what teachers are teaching.”
The public school’s where I taught had child poverty rates of 70% or higher depending on where the school was located that district. The grade school I taught at for a year had a child poverty rate of 100%. The middle school where I taught also had a child poverty rate of 100%. The high school in the same area had a child poverty rate of 70% because of new housing developments east of that high school that sold to middle class families that could afford those homes.
Half of the students I taught completed the school work and the grades in my class were based on completing the work, not test scores. Halfway through a semester, half of the students I taught were failing. Teachers were required to notify parents/guardians that their students/children were in danger of failing by phone or mail. Phone first. Mail when that didn’t work. All the mail required proof of delivery from the USPS. I made hundreds of phone calls every semester and mailed out hundreds of warnings. Few if any parents ever called back, and of the few that made appointments to sit down and talk to me, most of those never showed up.
Any evaluations based on standardized tests that do not take child poverty rates into account are flawed from the start and should be ignored.
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Well said Lloyd, you nailed it. Poverty is a huge factor in student performance.
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The National Review is right wing which means to those of us who look for objective analysis, to dismiss its blather.
Barry knows that libertarians have formed an alliance with right wing Christians/Catholics and that’s who is driving the attempt to take democracy from me and my neighbors. Jefferson warned, in every age in every country, the priest aligns with the despot.
Blog readers can review all of the connections to religion in the bio’s of the board and staff at the School Choice Wisconsin site.
Btw- the Mitchell’s live in Arizona which Susan Mitchell admits to in her bio at the site).
Her bio also describes work connections to a Walton heir, of course.
If Barry hasn’t read the Akron Beacon Journal’s, “Whose Choice? How school choice began in Ohio”, he and all others should. Everyone should also know about the credentials of personnel at the huge school choice advocacy network, Catholic Conferences, for example, the Colorado Catholic Conference executive director was formerly with the Koch network and EdChoice.
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You are right, Barry Commoner, that far too many unsuspecting parents are duped into supporting de facto segregation and the loss of many of their civil rights because of propaganda. It’s cruel to the point of downright criminal that parents are not clearly informed that charter schools do no better than public schools and that voucher schools do far worse on tests than do public schools. Far worse. The effect is worse than a pandemic. And, not that it really matters, but there is no such thing as a traditional public school. A school is publicly owned and run, or it’s a private school. That’s not difficult to understand.
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It’s simplistic to ignore the information right in front of you and issue a blanket statement about how great “school choice” is. Great for whom? SPED? ELL? LGBTQ? Certainly not those families. The research is clear about the inferiority of voucher schools and their inability to provide a quality education; behind the scenes, voucher proponents are applauding the private school cherry-picking model, which simply allows voucher schools to select the children they want and purge the rest. This inevitable churn is a feature, not a bug, and it’s interesting how those who protest against entitlements are first in line for their blank check from the government to spent on education essentials like TVs, Disney trips, and paddleboards.
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So-called reformers are notorious for their biased studies of reform efforts. They take great umbrage when an actual scholar like Josh Cowen reveals the flaws in their process and conclusions. So-called reform is packaged baloney. There are no miracles, there are mostly privatizers that manipulate the calculation and data to support their preconceived conclusions. This tendency to manipulate data extends to vouchers, which according to all objective studies, reveal a failed, waste of public funds.
All public funds should and must have accountability built into the plans. Throwing unaccountable dollars at problems does not necessarily solve them. In fact, it creates a feeding frenzy for assorted grifters and fraudsters as we have witnessed in both charter and voucher schools. As Cowen demonstrates, vouchers are a losing proposition regardless of what state or city adopts them. Low value vouchers result in subpar education, as Cowen states. It should not be surprising that students leave these “schools of choice” and return to public schools, when it becomes apparent they are not getting a decent education. The main beneficiaries of vouchers are the affluent that get to have the public subsidize their children’s private school education.
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Gov. Voinovich in Ohio would disagree with you about who the primary intended beneficiary of vouchers was. And, he should know because he implemented the program in Ohio. “Whose Choice? How school choice began in Ohio”
Akron Beacon Journal, Dec. 14, 1999.
I assume, the rewrite of history by blog commenters has a purpose.
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Wonder if the fact that kids do better in public schools has anything to do with the credentialed, certified teachers who work in them? Couldn’t be.
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