Republican-controlled state legislatures are writing scores of new laws to restrict voting. Some are passing laws that would permit the legislature to reverse the will of the voters.
Our democracy is at risk. The right to vote is fundamental. Voting should be encouraged, not restricted.
One hundred scholars signed a “Statement of Concern” about the current drive to make it harder to vote. Please read it.
Statement of Concern
The Threats to American Democracy and the Need for National Voting and Election Administration Standards
STATEMENT
June 1, 2021
We, the undersigned, are scholars of democracy who have watched the recent deterioration of U.S. elections and liberal democracy with growing alarm. Specifically, we have watched with deep concern as Republican-led state legislatures across the country have in recent months proposed or implemented what we consider radical changes to core electoral procedures in response to unproven and intentionally destructive allegations of a stolen election. Collectively, these initiatives are transforming several states into political systems that no longer meet the minimum conditions for free and fair elections. Hence, our entire democracy is now at risk.
When democracy breaks down, it typically takes many years, often decades, to reverse the downward spiral. In the process, violence and corruption typically flourish, and talent and wealth flee to more stable countries, undermining national prosperity. It is not just our venerated institutions and norms that are at risk—it is our future national standing, strength, and ability to compete globally.
Statutory changes in large key electoral battleground states are dangerously politicizing the process of electoral administration, with Republican-controlled legislatures giving themselves the power to override electoral outcomes on unproven allegations should Democrats win more votes. They are seeking to restrict access to the ballot, the most basic principle underlying the right of all adult American citizens to participate in our democracy. They are also putting in place criminal sentences and fines meant to intimidate and scare away poll workers and nonpartisan administrators. State legislatures have advanced initiatives that curtail voting methods now preferred by Democratic-leaning constituencies, such as early voting and mail voting. Republican lawmakers have openly talked about ensuring the “purity” and “quality” of the vote, echoing arguments widely used across the Jim Crow South as reasons for restricting the Black vote.
State legislators supporting these changes have cited the urgency of “electoral integrity” and the need to ensure that elections are secure and free of fraud. But by multiple expert judgments, the 2020 election was extremely secure and free of fraud. The reason that Republican voters have concerns is because many Republican officials, led by former President Donald Trump, have manufactured false claims of fraud, claims that have been repeatedly rejected by courts of law, and which Trump’s own lawyers have acknowledged were mere speculation when they testified about them before judges.
In future elections, these laws politicizing the administration and certification of elections could enable some state legislatures or partisan election officials to do what they failed to do in 2020: reverse the outcome of a free and fair election. Further, these laws could entrench extended minority rule, violating the basic and longstanding democratic principle that parties that get the most votes should win elections.
Democracy rests on certain elemental institutional and normative conditions. Elections must be neutrally and fairly administered. They must be free of manipulation. Every citizen who is qualified must have an equal right to vote, unhindered by obstruction. And when they lose elections, political parties and their candidates and supporters must be willing to accept defeat and acknowledge the legitimacy of the outcome. The refusal of prominent Republicans to accept the outcome of the 2020 election, and the anti-democratic laws adopted (or approaching adoption) in Arizona, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Iowa, Montana and Texas—and under serious consideration in other Republican-controlled states—violate these principles. More profoundly, these actions call into question whether the United States will remain a democracy. As scholars of democracy, we condemn these actions in the strongest possible terms as a betrayal of our precious democratic heritage.
The most effective remedy for these anti-democratic laws at the state level is federal action to protect equal access of all citizens to the ballot and to guarantee free and fair elections. Just as it ultimately took federal voting rights law to put an end to state-led voter suppression laws throughout the South, so federal law must once again ensure that American citizens’ voting rights do not depend on which party or faction happens to be dominant in their state legislature, and that votes are cast and counted equally, regardless of the state or jurisdiction in which a citizen happens to live. This is widely recognized as a fundamental principle of electoral integrity in democracies around the world.
A new voting rights law (such as that proposed in the John Lewis Voting Rights Act) is essential but alone is not enough. True electoral integrity demands a comprehensive set of national standards that ensure the sanctity and independence of election administration, guarantee that all voters can freely exercise their right to vote, prevent partisan gerrymandering from giving dominant parties in the states an unfair advantage in the process of drawing congressional districts, and regulate ethics and money in politics.
It is always far better for major democracy reforms to be bipartisan, to give change the broadest possible legitimacy. However, in the current hyper-polarized political context such broad bipartisan support is sadly lacking. Elected Republican leaders have had numerous opportunities to repudiate Trump and his “Stop the Steal” crusade, which led to the violent attack on the U.S. Capitol on January 6. Each time, they have sidestepped the truth and enabled the lie to spread.
We urge members of Congress to do whatever is necessary—including suspending the filibuster—in order to pass national voting and election administration standards that both guarantee the vote to all Americans equally, and prevent state legislatures from manipulating the rules in order to manufacture the result they want. Our democracy is fundamentally at stake. History will judge what we do at this moment.
Signatures are still being added. This list was last updated on 6/1/21 at 9:00 a.m. ET.
John Aldrich
Professor of Political Science
Duke University
Deborah Avant
Professor of International Studies
University of Denver
Larry M. Bartels
Professor of Political Science
Vanderbilt University
Frank R. Baumgartner
Professor of Political Science
University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
Sheri Berman
Professor of Political Science
Barnard College, Columbia University
Benjamin Bishin
Professor of Political Science
University of California, Riverside
Robert Blair
Assistant Professor of Political Science and International and Public Affairs
Brown University
Henry E. Brady
Dean, Goldman School of Public Policy
University of California, Berkeley
Rogers Brubaker
Professor of Sociology
University of California, Los Angeles
John M. Carey
Professor of Government
Dartmouth College
Michael Coppedge
Professor of Political Science
University of Notre Dame
Katherine Cramer
Professor of Political Science
University of Wisconsin-Madison
Larry Diamond
Senior Fellow
Hoover Institution and Freeman Spogli Institute
Stanford University
Lee Drutman
Senior Fellow
New America
Rachel Epstein
Professor of International Studies
University of Denver
Henry Farrell
Professor of International Affairs
Johns Hopkins University
Christina Fattore
Associate Professor of Political Science
West Virginia University
Morris P. Fiorina
Professor of Political Science and Senior Fellow
Hoover Institution
Stanford University
Joel L. Fleishman
Professor of Law and Public Policy Studies
Duke University
Luis Fraga
Professor of Political Science
University of Notre Dame
William W. Franko
Associate Professor of Political Science
West Virginia University
Francis Fukuyama
Senior Fellow
Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies
Stanford University
Daniel J. Galvin
Associate Professor of Political Science
Northwestern University
Laura Gamboa
Assistant Professor of Political Science
University of Utah
Martin Gilens
Professor of Public Policy, Political Science, and Social Welfare
University of California, Los Angeles
Kristin Goss
Professor of Public Policy and Political Science
Duke University
Jessica Gottlieb
Associate Professor of Government & Public Service
Texas A&M University
Virginia Gray
Professor of Political Science Emeritus
University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
Jacob M. Grumbach
Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science
University of Washington
Anna Grzymala-Busse
Professor of International Studies
Stanford University
Jacob Hacker
Professor of Political Science
Yale University
Hahrie Han
Professor of Political Science
Johns Hopkins University
Thomas J. Hayes
Associate Professor of Political Science
University of Connecticut
Gretchen Helmke
Professor of Political Science
University of Rochester
Amanda Hollis-Brusky
Associate Professor of Politics
Pomona College
Daniel Hopkins
Professor of Political Science
University of Pennsylvania
Matthew B. Incantalupo
Assistant Professor of Political Science
Yeshiva University
Matt Jacobsmeier
Associate Professor of Political Science
West Virginia University
Hakeem Jefferson
Assistant Professor of Political Science
Stanford University
Bruce W. Jentleson
Professor of Public Policy and Political Science
Duke University
Theodore R. Johnson
Senior Fellow & Director, Fellows Program
Brennan Center for Justice
Richard Joseph
Professor Emeritus of Political Science
Northwestern University
Alex Keena
Assistant Professor of Political Science
Virginia Commonwealth University
Nathan J. Kelly
Professor of Political Science
University of Tennessee
Eric Kramon
Associate Professor of Political Science and International Affairs
George Washington University
Katherine Krimmel
Assistant Professor of Political Science
Barnard College, Columbia University
Didi Kuo
Senior Research Scholar, Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law
Stanford University
Matt Lacombe
Assistant Professor of Political Science
Barnard College, Columbia University
Timothy LaPira
Professor of Political Science
James Madison University
Michael Latner
Senior Fellow
Union of Concerned Scientists’ Center for Science and Democracy
Yphtach Lelkes
Assistant Professor, Annenberg School for Communication
University of Pennsylvania
Margaret Levi
Professor of Political Science
Stanford University
Steve Levitsky
Professor of Government
Harvard University
Robert Lieberman
Professor of Political Science
Johns Hopkins University
Scott Mainwaring
Professor of Political Science
University of Notre Dame
Jane Mansbridge
Professor Emerita of Political Leadership and Democratic Values
Harvard University
Lilliana H. Mason
Associate Research Professor, Department of Political Science
Johns Hopkins University
Corrine M. McConnaughy
Research Scholar and Lecturer, Department of Politics
Princeton University
Jennifer McCoy
Professor of Political Science
Georgia State University
Suzanne Mettler
Professor of American Institutions, Department of Government
Cornell University
Robert Mickey
Associate Professor of Political Science
University of Michigan
Michael Minta
Associate Professor of Political Science
University of Minnesota
Terry Moe
Professor of Political Science
Stanford University
Jana Morgan
Professor of Political Science
University of Tennessee
Mason Moseley
Associate Professor of Political Science
West Virginia University
Russell Muirhead
Professor of Democracy
Dartmouth College
Pippa Norris
Professor of Political Science
Harvard University
Anne Norton
Professor of Political Science
University of Pennsylvania
Brendan Nyhan
Professor of Government
Dartmouth College
Angela X. Ocampo
Assistant Professor of Political Science
University of Michigan
Norm Ornstein
Emeritus Scholar
American Enterprise Institute
Benjamin I. Page
Professor of Decision Making
Northwestern University
Tom Pepinsky
Professor, Department of Government
Cornell University
Anibal Perez-Linan
Professor of Political Science and Global Affairs
University of Notre Dame
Dirk Philipsen
Associate Research Professor of Economic History
Duke University
Paul Pierson
Professor of Political Science
University of California, Berkeley
Ethan Porter
Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science
George Washington University
Robert D. Putnam
Professor of Public Policy
Harvard University
Kenneth Roberts
Professor of Government
Cornell University
Amanda Lea Robinson
Associate Professor of Political Science
Ohio State University
Deondra Rose
Assistant Professor of Public Policy, Political Science, and History
Duke University
Nancy L. Rosenblum
Professor of Ethics in Politics and Government Emerita
Harvard University
Larry J. Sabato
University Professor of Politics
University of Virginia
Sara Sadhwani
Assistant Professor of Politics
Pomona College
David Schanzer
Professor of the Practice of Public Policy
Duke University
Kim L. Scheppele
Professor of Sociology and International Affairs
Princeton University
Daniel Schlozman
Associate Professor of Political Science
Johns Hopkins University
Kay L. Schlozman
Professor of Political Science
Boston College
Cathy Lisa Schneider
Professor, School of International Service
American University
Shauna Lani Shames
Associate Professor in Political Science
Rutgers University, Camden
Gisela Sin
Associate Professor, Department of Political Science
University of Illinois
Dan Slater
Professor of Political Science
University of Michigan
Anne-Marie Slaughter
Professor Emerita of Politics and International Relations
Princeton University
Charles Anthony Smith
Professor of Political Science and Law
University of California, Irvine
Rogers M. Smith
Professor of Political Science
University of Pennsylvania
Susan Stokes
Professor of Political Science
University of Chicago
Alexander George Theodoridis
Associate Professor of Political Science
University of Massachusetts Amherst
Chloe Thurston
Assistant Professor of Political Science
Northwestern University
Antonio Ugues Jr.
Associate Professor of Political Science
St. Mary’s College of Maryland
Omar Wasow
Assistant Professor, Department of Politics
Princeton University
Christopher Witko
Professor of Public Policy and Political Science
Pennsylvania State University
Christina Wolbrecht
Professor of Political Science
University of Notre Dame
Daniel Ziblatt
Professor of Government
Harvard University
*Institutions and titles are listed for identification purposes only.

Trump is certainly insisting he won but in my opinion the reason this has become such a widespread problem is every Republican elected official is ALSO saying it- all the way down to county commissioners.
This is a much bigger problem than Donald Trump. I’m not sure people who live in more liberal areas are aware how mainstream and ordinary this has become.
If you’re a Republican and you live in a conservative area you hear this over and over and over, every day, from local elected officials you know and trust. I’m not a Republican and I hear it every day. It’s a requirement to run as a Republican, even for something like village council.
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Repeat a lie more and more, and more and more people believe it. The dictator’s credo and the title of the 2021 Republican playbook.
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This is not a Donald Trump innovation. In 2004 Karl Rove was pressuring US attorneys, appointed by Attorney General Aschcroft/Bush to find & prosecute instances of election & voter fraud. They couldn’t find a single violation and the Bush administration instituted a mass firing of attorneys who did not prosecute.
Trump is the culmination of the Republican project to eliminate Democrats from voting and criminalizing the poor, black & brown for even attempting to vote. Republicans don’t want to govern.They want to rule.
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Blah, blah, blah! It’s glaring that you don’t include anything SPECIFIC that you object. If anyone were to look seriously for at least a nanosecond, they’d see that the voting changes states have and want to make actually expends options that increase voter participation. However, they also strengthen voting integrity which is blatantly obvious what the criticism is all about!
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If voting integrity were the problem you would be able to find more than a Trumpanzee who murdered his wife mailing in the dead woman’s ballot. Or a few felons voting with a provisional ballot not knowing whether they were eligible.
When you restrict voting hours and make it more difficult to vote you affect one group of voters more than another. But you know that .
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It’s glaring that you don’t include anything SPECIFIC in support of your assertion.
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Oh, please do go on.
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We just had an election in 2020 that was the fairest and most accurate in history, according to Trump’s chief of election cyber security ((who was fired for saying so). The results in close states were audited and in some states, counted by hand. If our electoral system is working well, if there is no significant fraud (Attorney General Bill Barr said so), why are Republican controlled states rewriting their election laws, devising devious ways to reduce voting, not to protect it? A genuine democracy wants more people to vote, not fewer.
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I agree completely. It expends the options like crazy.
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I hope that all of these signers have individually written Senator Manchin and Senator Sinema. I have. Everyone needs to swamp their email accounts.
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Do Manchin and Sinema allow e-mail from zip codes outside of their states? I’ve found when writing senators and representatives who are not in my state that their on-line forms reject my e-mail based on the requirement for my zip code. State senators and reps do not do so.
Of course, senators and representatives.accept campaign donations regardless of zip code.
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Theyu7 won’t rep-ly, but they do get them. Their emails simply have to be swamped to get the message. This is critical. After hearing the comments of Mike Flynn this weekend in regard to advocating an armed coup, time is running short.
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The voting laws apply for all. There’s not a single line, limiting any group of voters. The basic request is to carry an ID. The idea of sending mail in ballots to everyone is also insane. In many free countries the restrictions are much more severe. You vote only on voting day, only on voting places, with an ID. Period.
I wonder, where were these scholars, when our cities were looted by violent leftist terrorists. I wonder why aren’t they worried about democracy, when entire subjects are being banned from discussion. How come scholars do not sign letters when whites are being told to be evil, by default?
Millions move from blue to red states, as we speak. Try to rent a Uhaul from a blue to a red state!
When will media and “scholars” explain what’s going on in the Democrat-governed cities and states? 5+ MILLIONS moved from Cali to Texas in the last decade, and the pace is accelerating. That is a national issue, and media and observers are blind for it.
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In some countries, like Australia, everyone is required to vote. There is a fine for not voting.
I don’t know of anyone who is saying that whites are evil.
What’s going on in big cities is a very high level of poverty and inequality of wealth and income.
Nonetheless, it is interesting that blue states have the very best educational systems.
On the National Assessment of Educational Progress, the highest scoring states are Massachusetts, New Jersey, and Connecticut.
After the 2016 election, Nate Silver of 538 looked at the voting results in the most educated counties and the least educated counties.
Those with the highest concentration of advanced degrees voted overwhelmingly Democratic; those with the least education voted for Trump.
I am glad Californians are moving to Texas. It will turn Texas blue.
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“violent leftist terrorists”
Orlinbo,
If your search engine doesn’t selectively edit to provide you with right wing info., a search of “majority of U.S. domestic terror” will show you the statistics, by year for the U.S. They show that Timothy McVeigh was representative.
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There wasn’t a single line during Jim Crow that claimed to limit voters either, though that’s not the function of these laws. These laws set up deliberate barriers to minimize opportunities for people with disabilities, black & brown, individuals who can’t drive and service workers to vote.
There are countries all over the world whose citizens are stunned by the US’- the supposed champion of democracy- lack of voting locations and arbitrary time limits for people to vote.
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The question obscured here, with no logic, decency or grace whatsoever, is: Is voting a right or a privilege? Does the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness require an ID? Or that one has to follow certain rules determined by arbitrary forces? Or that they are limited to certain times or localities? It seems to me that the only time that matters in voting is if the vote, whenever or wherever it has been cast, is completed by a certain date and time. Not counted. Minor issues.
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Unless white men are willing to put American democracy ahead
of their sex and race- based privilege, the American experiment dies with this generation.
In 2010, about 30% of full time political science professors were women which means, unless the ratio changed dramatically in 11 years, the posted letter should reflect similar demographics Separating out only political science faculty, not public policy, international studies nor other categories that may not have been included in the study that identified the 30% statistic, there are about 50 male names and 30 female names of currently employed professors.
Readers of the letter can conclude that either women care more about democracy or other variables were at play.
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What the heck is your point? White men are basically antidemocratic because of their privileged place in society? I’m not sure how you got there from a letter from university scholars about the dangers of voter suppression efforts in Republican led states. If you have researched the roots of this letter, the people who signed it, and the process used to publish it, please fill us in. I think I am getting lost in several arguments here.
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“How Science Explains Trump’s Grip on White Males”, Scientific American, 1-14-2021. The article develops an explanation of differences in cultural cognition, socioeconomic security and attitudes toward equalitarianism and community. The author did not distinguish between two groups of men i.e. college educated and uneducated.
While fewer college educated men (and women) supported Trump, the underlying reasons that certain messaging appeals to men can provoke greater understanding about what it will take for American democracy to survive.
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Our democracy is at risk. No sh#t!
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You forgot to add “Sherlock!”
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Democracy at Risk
Democracy
Always at risk
Majority
Assures of this
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