Attached are four statements that were delivered (in person or by email in my case) to the New York State Assembly Education Committee Hearing on Mayoral Control. The hearings won’t result in immediate action since mayoral control was recently renewed for three years.
It is hard to believe but there was a time, about a decade ago, when corporate reformers believed that mayoral control would lead to a dramatic transformation of schools. The problem, they believed, was democracy. When people have a chance to elect a board, the “reformers” said, they make bad choices, the unions have too much power, and the result is stasis. Chicago has had mayoral control since 1995, and the newly elected Mayor Lori Lightfoot has agreed that the city should have an elected board. Here is a list of mayoral-controlled school systems.
In New York City, Michael Bloomberg asked the Legislature to give him complete and unfettered control of the New York City public schools in 2002, soon after his election in 2001. He received it, and he promised sweeping changes. He closed scores of large schools and broke them up into four or five or six schools in the same building (escalating the cost of administration). Parents, students, and teachers objected passionately, but the mayor’s “Panel on Education Policy” ignored them. Bloomberg favored charter schools over the public schools he controlled, and their number multiplied. He tightly centralized the operations of the system and appointed a lawyer with no education experience (Joel Klein) to be his chancellor. Bloomberg was all about test scores and data and privatization.
When Bill de Blasio was elected in 2013, he embraced mayoral control.
What follows are three views, all concluding that mayoral control as presently designed should end.
And here is a fourth view, a dissent from the other three, by veteran education watcher Peter Goodman, who wonders whether an elected school board would be controlled by parents or captured by a billionaire, or by charter advocates (the latter two have far more money to spend than parents).
To see Kemala Karmen’s footnotes and the other two views (including mine), open the PDF files attached.
TESTIMONY submitted by KEMALA KARMEN on 12/16/2019
For NYS ASSEMBLY EDUCATION COMMITTEE HEARING ON MAYORAL CONTROL
My older child, who just returned home from her first semester of college, was five years old when I attended my first city council hearing. Michael Bloomberg was mayor and Joel Klein was his chancellor, and a fellow kindergarten parent had encouraged me to attend the hearing. I no longer remember the precise topic of the hearing. What I do remember is that council member after council member spoke passionately and convincingly against some DOE policy, and yet, when all was said and done, and the mayor’s “accountability czar” had spoken, it was clear that the chancellor would do exactly what he had wanted to do all along, undeterred by the opposition of a room full of people who had been directly elected by their constituents.
I was floored.
I am a relatively privileged person in terms of my class and education, and while my color, gender, cultural, and religious background have marked me as “other” for most of my life, I had never felt as disenfranchised as I did at that moment, when I realized that when it came to my children’s public school education, I had NO voice, and neither did anyone I could vote for, apart from the mayor, whom one must vote for based on an array of issues in addition to education.
In fact, even if you were a single-issue voter, investing all of your hopes in a candidate based on that candidate’s professed positions on education, you could still find yourself unrepresented. Take our current mayor. At an education forum held in 2013, at the time of his initial run, Candidate de Blasio said, among other things, that he opposed high-stakes standardized testing and its stranglehold on our schools. As mayor, he would stand with parents like me who called for more teaching and less testing.
In reality, our now second-term mayor, presides over a Department of Education that has recently instituted even more tests for our city’s public school children. Facing mounting evidence that a generation of test-based “reform” has not improved the academic standing of America’s students, other municipalities, including Boston, are starting to cut back on the number and frequency of tests they impose on students. Here, however, mayoral control lets the mayor and his representatives do whatever they want, even if it flies in the face of evidence or reason. The city council can ask questions about NYCDOE policies, but they are powerless to actually do anything other than ask questions, collect data, and maybe bring to light what otherwise might be happening without public awareness, never mind input.
As a parent stakeholder in the schools, I find mayoral control, as currently practiced, and as outlined above, profoundly undemocratic. At this particular moment in our country’s history, that is especially demoralizing. Moreover, it makes a mockery of the supposed progressivism of our city. Here again, I can use high-stakes testing to illustrate that point, this time referring to the annual state testing of 3rd-8th graders. Rates of state test refusal or “opt out” are in the double digits or even high double digits in most of the rest of the state, but in NYC, although opt out rates have doubled over the last few years, they still remain in the low single digits. Why is that? Do parents in NYC just love standardized testing more than their counterparts elsewhere? Or could it be that everywhere else in the state elected school boards are responsive to the parents who elect them, so when parents make it clear to their boards that they reject a test-centric focus their boards actually listen, and do things like send home form letters where a parent can check a box that says, “Yes, my child will take the state test” or “No, my child will not take the test?” In NYC, by contrast, many parents don’t even know they have a right to refuse and those of us grassroots-organizing against the tests must contend with directives from the DOE that tell would-be test refusers that they need to meet with their principals if they want to opt out. This is little more than intimidation and it works; parents are reluctant to go against the authority figure who controls their child’s day-to-day environment. The City Council tried to counter this in 2015 by unanimously passing a resolution that called on the NYCDOE to inform parents of their opt out rights. Again, because of mayoral control, the NYCDOE can, and did, ignore the wishes of every single council member elected by the people of NYC, from the Bronx to Staten Island. To this day, almost 5 years later, the NYCDOE has failed to implement the resolution.
I’ve focused on the suppression of parent voice under mayoral control, but there are so many more problems I could list. For example, as a tax-paying citizen, I believe the system of mayoral control leads to a lack of transparency in financial matters, which could mean that my tax dollars are being spent unwisely or even fraudulently. I serve on the steering committee of New York State Allies for Public Education, and when I mentioned the new NYCDOE tests in an email to my fellow committee members, some of whom are elected school board members or trustees in their districts elsewhere in the state, the very first reply I received was, “How will they pay for that?” Indeed, how will they? Or even how much will it cost to administer computer-based tests multiple times a year to tens of thousands of students–or perhaps hundreds of thousands? What other things is NYCDOE forfeiting for our children that could have been paid for with that money? And why does no one know the answers to any of these questions?
We have no avenue for objecting if the mayor decides to appoint a chancellor who has never worked a day of their lives in a school, or that chancellor appoints a superintendent who has never been a principal. We have no protection from a mayor who might go so far as to hand over our schools to the opaque private management of the charter sector.
I am a parent, not an expert in governance, and I realize that school boards aren’t perfect. All over the country, we are seeing money from outside a district swoop in, essentially buying seats, often to advance a school privatization agenda. That’s twisted, and if we did go back to an elected school board, we’d have to be attentive to things like that, perhaps strictly regulating campaign contributions.
I can’t wrap this up with a neat solution as to what the best course of action forward is. Nonetheless, I do know that the mayoral control that we have now is fundamentally flawed, and should not continue in its present form if we value democracy.
For Leonie’s statement click here.
For Kemala’s statement click here.
For my statement click here.

Mayoral control of education is a BS and totally BAD IDEA from beginning to end.
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Your letter makes clear suggestions on how to improve governance of public schools in NYC. It gives the city a democratic framework with which to restore local control of public schools to the people.
“Mayoral control exists only in cities with large black and Hispanic populations. It is a form of disempowerment. There must be opportunities for parents and community members to have a say in the education of their children.”
The optics of top down authority are disturbing in a democratic society. Why should parents in Scarsdale have a say in their children’s education, but parents in the Bronx do not? Both groups are tax payers, and they both should have the right to have a similar say in the their children’s education.
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exactly: the OPTICS are telling
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retired teacher,
Parents in Scarsdale DO have a say in their child’s education. Their say is that the mostly affluent families who can afford to live in Scarsdale should benefit the most from their public school.
I don’t blame parents for wanting “local control”. What happens when the parents in District 2 Manhattan get “local control” and the parents in affluent Brownstone Brooklyn get “local control”? Their priority will be their own kids and that is understandable. If their communities have a population of students that has a disproportionately low percentage of students with severe economic needs, why should their own kids sacrifice and use any of their funding to accommodate students from a different district with nearly twice the percentage of students with severe economic needs?
After all, that’s what Scarsdale does. Their “local controlled” board certainly empowers their parents. Scarsdale has almost no students who are severely economically disadvantaged.
And the parents in poor Bronx districts will be just as empowered as the parents in a town near Scarsdale — Peekskill. In Peekskill, only 10% of students are white, 79% are economically disadvantaged, and the percentage of students with disabilities is twice as high as Scarsdale.
(I’m taking this from a very interesting March 2018 study: “The Tale of Two NY State Public School Districts”)
Parents in Scarsdale have local control to put the interests of their own community first and what happens in Peekskill is not their concern. I don’t blame them – that is certainly understandable. But it is important to consider some of the drawbacks of local control and what local control means for a community that has very little versus one that has a lot.
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My fave points from all these are:
1.re: nationally, Diane: “Mayoral control exists only in cities with large black and Hispanic populations. It is a form of disempowerment.”
2.re: NYC, Leonie H: “The DOE should be made subject to city law as are other city agencies.”
Kemala Karmen articulates the NYC voters’ voice as she walks you through public meetings, demonstrating how it is unheard, unrepresented, ignored. Peter Goodman cogently nutshells what’s wrong with NYC’s ed admin, with historical background on separation of powers… I just don’t know enough about NYC governance to understand whether the modifications he proposes to mayoral control would do the job.
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I suspect comparing Los Angeles and NYC is a good example.
The LA School board races had some of the largest expenditures in history! The privatizers were able to take over the board for quite a while and do a lot of damage. But in the most recent election a candidate who supported public schools replaced a corrupt one who got his position with lots of help from billionaires who promote charters. Does that bode well for democracy?
Meanwhile, in NYC a pro-charter Mayor slowly undermined public schools. A new Mayor ran specifically on putting a halt to massive charter expansion and offering a terrific new education policy (universal pre-k). In 2021 there will be a new election and it is possible the next Mayor will simply promote unbridled charter expansion like Bloomberg again.
I guess the question is whether one believes the pro-charter billionaires will have an easier time buying school board members or buying Mayors. I think I fall on the side of Peter Goodman but I definitely see both sides of the argument.
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“I guess the question is whether one believes the pro-charter billionaires will have an easier time buying school board members or buying Mayors. ” You naiied it here, nycpsp. Intuitively, I would assume it’s far harder to buy school board members, especially in a city as large as NYC where mayoral control is over a student population bigger than that of some states. But then, do you have to have granular local control, i.e., by district, which immediately raises inequities created by segregated housing? Borough control? The bigger the pot of tax revenue, the more incentive for buy-out/ control by outsiders & the easier it is to obscure that.
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Hi NYC psp, I don’t know if you will see this since I missed when Diane put up this post last week, but I wanted to respond to your comment. I think you are right that local control has drawbacks, but I would like to note that one of your hypotheticals actually disproves the point I think you were trying to make. Community Education Council 15 is prime Brownstone Brooklyn and yet it passed what is by far the city’s most sweeping middle school desegregation plan. (For non-New Yorkers, the CECs are the only remaining vestige of community control in the city and their decision-making power is severely limited; they are mostly relegated to input on zoning.) Before the adoption of the plan, which eliminated attendance, test score, and grade “screens,” white and affluent parents were concentrated in just 3 middle schools. Those schools now have higher numbers of non-affluent and non-white students than they had previously. So one could argue that Brownstone Brooklyn exercised power for the greater good, not just to preserve a status quo which benefited those with more societal and economic clout.
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Hey kk thanks for reviving this topic. Apparently the CEC’s have more than just a token influence if Dist 15 can effect such an important change, & that’s a good thing. But I tend to lok at things systemically: minorities are disenfranchised if they have to depend upon the largesse of the majority to do the right thing. Is that what happened in Dist 15, or is there something built into the CEC structure [or local law] that incentivized the right thing?
Local control is the way to go IMHO, but something has to be built into the system to avoid trampling minorities underfoot. Residential segregation/ isolation is the usual problem that has to be addressed. School funding is the place we see the system break down. Look at East Ramapo School Board, where “at-large” instead of ward system voting allowed majority Orthodox community, whose children attend privates, to vote themselves in & slash funding for 90% black/ brown public schools. Now the board has encumbered the public w/$millions to fight a lawsuit instead of doing the right thing [changing to ward sys voting – &/or just, like Dist 15, supporting their pubschs].
EdBuild has an important study showing that 1 in 5 K12 students nationwide are on the ‘wrong side’ of borders—like some in westchester county as noted by nycpsp—resulting in discriminatory school funding averaging as much as $4k less per pupil w/n geog areas in some cases [E Brunswick NJ area] as tiny as 6 mis apart.
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