This is one of Arthur Camins’ best articles about education and its ills. He poses the question of whether there is too much federal meddling in education or whether the federal role has been corrupted by pursuing the wrong goals.
He argues on behalf of a vigorous federal policy in education by referring to other areas–like Social Security, Medicare, and civil rights laws– where the only “fix” was federal policy. The reason that so many are now disgusted with federal policy in education is that the Obama administration has pursued the wrong goals and alienated its allies. Its reckless promotion of high-stakes testing and privatization has actually undermined the appropriate goal of federal policy, which should be equity and justice. The so-called “reform” movement relies on federal power to impose unpopular and failed mandates, wielding power in a manner which is inherently undemocratic and even anti-democratic.
Camins writes:
The problem over the last several decades of education policy is not overreach. It is that the federal government has been reaching for the wrong things in the wrong places with the wrong policy levers. For example, the nation has largely abandoned efforts to end segregation, arguably a prime driver of education inequity. The large-scale, community-building infrastructure and WPA and CCC employment efforts of the Great Depression have given way to the limited escape from poverty marketing pitch of education policy following the Great Recession. Whereas the 1960s War on Poverty targeted community resource issues, current education efforts target the behavior of individual teachers and pits parents against one in other in competition for admission to selected schools.
It cannot be repeated often enough: No country that has made significant improvement in its education system has done so through test-based accountability, teacher evaluation systems, charter schools or other school choice schemes. Improvements will only come from a national commitment to the values of equity, democracy, empathy, respect and community responsibility and by providing the funding for solutions based on those values.
Community and individualist values have been in tension throughout U.S. history. The diminishment of inequality that characterized the 1930s-1970s was the result of empathetic community responsibility values and strong unions. The growing inequality of the 1980s through the present is the result of the dominance of competitive individualist values. When inequity is the norm, policies that favor competition over collaboration turn potential allies into foes. When competition is the norm among parents for their children’s schools and among teachers for professional advancement, narrow individual solutions undermine broad systemic solutions.
The rhetoric to support current education reform is that individual poor families should have choices about which schools their children attend just like rich folks. Tellingly, this does not mean that rich and poor or black and white children attend the same schools. Instead, new charter schools are located in racially and economically isolated communities so that poor families compete with one another for admission. The result has been increased segregation with no effort to ameliorate resource allocation differences between wealthy and poor communities.
We do not need the federal government to specify teacher evaluation mechanisms, rank teacher preparation programs based on the test scores of their graduates students, fund privately operated charter schools or promote education entrepreneurs. The proper role for the federal government is to be the guarantor of justice and equity.
Unfortunately, given the Obama administration’s ties with the uber-wealthy philanthropists who believe in free-market competition, there is no hope that it will change direction. It will continue to push for the very policies that promote “competitive individualist values” and pay lip service to the “values of equity, democracy, empathy, respect and community responsibility.” We can only hope that the next administration changes course from the status quo. If not, the public will turn against the federal role altogether as the values of “justice and equity” are sacrificed and abandoned. And this will be the sad legacy of the Obama administration.

Bernie Sanders 2016
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Bernie Sanders should run for President as an INDEPENDENT. Can’t trust the DEMs and the REPs.
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There must be well-intentioned people in the Obama admin. who are just too caught up in and buried by all of the rhetoric and dynamics of this mess.
How do we get them to see these obvious truths?
Or how do we make sure enough people in the next admin. do?
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Akademos, I think we have to wait for the next administration and do whatever we can to communicate the concerns that so many parents and educators share about the misuse of testing and the misdirection of the federal government in education. For the past six years, the federal Department of Education has lavished praise on charter schools, the deregulated sector that is now riddled with fraud and greed; and it has pushed to evaluate teachers (and colleges of education) by student test scores, which makes the test scores far too important but pleases Pearson and McGraw Hill.
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The fact that Obama decided to double down on corporate led education reform has led to an awakening of teachers, parents and students. Resistance hasn’t reached the tipping point yet but it is growing.
The big question is, as it has always been… will it be possible one more time, to organize and fight to put democracy back on its correct footing.
The wealth and the power of those who control policy is more global than it was in the late eighteen hundreds and in the 1930s and 40s. Organizing has not kept pace with technology.
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This idea that unfettered “free” markets and cut-throat competition leads to a better lives for all is a mystic belief amongst Reformers. Reality demonstrates that free markets are more often short-sighted and exploitive, resulting in self destruction and inequality. The Community (“big gubbermint”) must intervene and provide adult supervision for the public good.
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Except when big gub is Cuomo-style, merely a response to monetary and political support or lack thereof.
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Yes. Maybe Cuomo should be called Big Wall Street. Same as government, anymore.
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I read or heard somewhere recently that within a short while the top 1% will have more $$ than 50% of the world’s population. That is disgusting beyond belief and there is no defense.
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“The Nine Circles of Public School Hell ”
(Dante Schooled and Reformed)
First Circle is the Limbo: How low will ‘leaders’ go?
The Second is a Lust, for teachers to go bust
Third Circle is a Taste, for testing, VAM and waste
The Fourth is endless Greed, for tech that schools don’t need
Fifth Circle is Conniption, at any contradiction
The Sixth is quick Defection, on vows from pre-election
The Seventh is Attack, on those who dare push back
The Eighth is outright Fraud, by charters, who are God
And Ninth is Treachery, in what we hear and see
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What is so crazy about the federal government is that it has dangled RttT to states, partnered with the NGA and private enterprise to push forth this agenda without any real democratic process, has written standards that to do not defer to research or human development and that have not been normed.
And THEN, states, doing the dirty work of the feds, enforce the mandates, take the RttT money to pay for them, and STICK THE LOCAL TAXPAYER WITH THE BILL FOR WHAT IT ACTUALLY COSTS TO IMPLEMENT CCSS AND APPR!
We need to curtail the federal role in all of this because the feds do represent mainly private and profiteering interests, and NOT the citizenry.
I wrote an article recently discussing how the feds and the states, through their unilateralism and hegemony, have increased costs to school districts:
The Cost of Implementing Common Core and APPR to Local Educational Agencies and The Impact Upon Budgets
by Robert Rendo
The costs of Common Core to states and local educational agencies has morphed into a monster, and the cost/benefit ratio in each state may reveal that, intentional or not, the high costs may not be worth the proposed “excellence in learning” the standards are purported to carry with them. Currently, at least three-fourths of the states that signed on for Race to the Top grant money are finding that per annum implementation costs far exceed the funds awarded to their school districts. Most states have signed on for 5 to 7 years. When RttT money was first offered to the states, many legislators and LEAs, in a rash and often unilateral move, signed onto to the program just to get more state aid to schools in exchange for adopting Common Core standards and ensuring their dominant presence in the curriculum and localized and standardized testing. These standards were supposedly giving students an education to be “college and career ready.” Curiously enough, that logo-like phrase never included verbiage about being a civic participant in a democracy or a critical thinker. Its up-front message has been that education’s utility is to prepare the citizenry for the workplace and for purposes that lend themselves to a very small and narrow but powerful ownership class. Federal dollars have since been awarded to states that agreed to follow the tenets of the Race to the Top, two of the largest of which were inextricably putting in a more robust and rigorous teacher and principal evaluation system and more rigorous standards for children to intellectually challenge them.
But the money granted to most states does not come even close to covering the mandates from RttT, and districts find themselves still rewriting curriculum, buying new textbooks and computer software, and retraining staff. For example, The Worthington School District in Ohio, for example, ended spending $5 million dollars in implementing APPR and CCSS while the actual amount given to the district was a little over a million. In order to maintain that increase, the current school budget would have to dramatically increase and be passed onto mostly local home owner from their property taxes, or the budget would be increased very slightly or not at all, with the dire consequence of cutting vital direct-pupil services, increasing class sizes, all simply to create room in the budget to absorb the cost of implementing CCSS.
Ohio is a textbook case of how much the Common Core has impacted school budgets. Most districts throughout Ohio have been given between $100,000 and $600,000 over a five year period, which gives them an average of $20,000 to $120,000 per year. Yet some 94% of all districts in Ohio will have spent an average of $3 million dollars spread out over five years to fully implement the mandates. This plops a sack full of anvils of $600,000 per year per district, about $480,000 to $580,000 more than what districts are accustomed to spending from their RttT coffers, making it a total average expenditure of about $1.3 billion dollars of local taxpayer money spread out all over the state. Essentially, the medicine of taking the money to help cure student achievement woes has produced side effects that are worse than the symptoms.
Part of the frustration of CCSS implementation is that local taxpayers were not told that their state governments were getting hooked onto the RttT funds at a cost of millions of dollars in extra spending to have APPR and CCSS in each school district. But there were other non-financial but tangible costs involved. For example, just looking through a very local lens at an LEA in Anywhere, USA, did parents know that adopting these new standards would radically transform curriculum, previously decided by local stakeholders? Did they know that they would be rendering more local decision making over to the federal government even when the USDOE has speciously declared that federal government does not constitutionally or legally dictate curriculum? Did local tax payers know that adopting CCSS would allow testing companies to gather many categories of sensitive information on children and share it with federal agencies and third party contractors? Did they understand that principals would have to spend more time observing teachers than actually working with them in co-teaching and modeled lessons? Did they know that greater costs would be incurred as a result of districts having to increase their administrative pools to comply with excessive teacher observations and writing them up in lengthy, time-consuming narratives, often on software that would, of course, have to be purchased by the district? Did they understand that principals and assistant principals, who have no contractual time limits to their workday, could be using that time instead to work with children, parents, and teachers directly?
Still, other financial cost incurred among school districts can be itemized:
Substitutes per diem: The costs are staggering to hire substitute teachers to come in and teach for classroom teachers, who are then pulled from their instructional day, so they can rewrite curriculum maps for their districts to ensure that what they are teaching aligns with CCSS.
1) Training and professional development: The cost of training teachers by bringing in outside consultants and experts to train administration and staff has a hefty price tag on a per-diem basis.
2) Time and potential overtime: The cost of time to read up on and familiarize oneself with the new standards. Although, most people in the reform camp will argue that such professional reading is something teachers should be doing anyway to keep up to date on changes in research and policy. Ironically, the CCSS is not research based.
3) Textbooks: The cost of new text books is acutely high, and publishers are taking advantage of this. Pearson is no exception. Updating textbooks to reflect more non-fiction and offer the type of content that will lead to mastery in the CCSS literacy standards is expensive. And yet, there are huge costs to districts who were promised by vendors that textbooks they sell are truly CCSS-aligned, when in reality, they are not, and there are no regulatory agencies watching the merchantability of such products, nor are there established industry standards to verify if they are truly ready for the CCSS free market place. When this happens, school districts have little recourse other than dispute processes (if they pay with a credit card) or legal recourse in court to redress the poor quality merchandise they have purchased, a move virtually infeasible to pursue. Add to the costs of having to be stuck with unsuitable educational products at tax payer expense, or the time and cost it takes to vet each textbook by reading it meticulously cover to cover. Over a seven year projection, the costs of text books alone constitute about $2.47 billion dollars, a 16% share out of an almost $16 billion dollar cost to 45 states (5 have completely opted out or not joined so far).
4) Academic and cognitive costs: CCSS is not a benchmarked, scientifically based method of achieving high standards. The standards have never been normed or have any empirical evidence behind them to prove that children will really be better off academically and cognitively at the end of 12th grade. The CCSS also places a greater emphasis on nonfiction literature, forcing classroom across the country to drop many classic pieced of American literature, such as Huckleberry Finn, Moby Dick, and The Raven in exchange for more factual type reading. Many critics, especially educators and parents, have expressed grave concern that this loss could translate into children focusing more on passing standardized tests than developing a real repertoire and acumen of literature across the spectrum.
5) Reduction and elimination of other disciplines: The cost of CCSS also involves the narrowing of the curriculum because as high stakes tests in ELA, math, and science dominate the motivations for teaching and learning, other cognitive pursuits in music, physical education, foreign languages, and creativity are crowded out by CCSS skills that show up on the standardized tests.
6) Computerized assessments: The cost to retrofit schools with wireless services so that more exams can be taken online is noticeable in the digital divide of the United States. Many states are now proposing in their legislatures not to use the PARCC, and some, such as Alabama, Florida, Kansas, Oklahoma, and Utah, are now withdrawing from the PARCC, which is privately developed by Pearson and other sub-contractors, such as ETS, WestEd, Measured Progress and Caveon, and sold to state education departments. Meanwhile, Pearson, a London based company, brought in record annual profits in 2013 of $1.23 billion dollars, almost half of which is derived form its digital products, such as libraries and tests.
7) Indirect expenses: None of the RttT funds provide adequate money to cover the costs for reducing class sizes and controversial merit-based pay-for-performance.
In Rockland County, NY alone, the costs to implement RTTT mandates surpass the funding, and leaders there projected a total four-year cost of almost $11 million. This results in an aggregate revenue of about $400K in Race to the Top funding, which in turn produces a $10 million deficit that represents an increase in average per pupil spending for this single initiative of nearly $400 per student. How can districts really justify the costs?
To what extend was CCSS thrust upon state governments without real robust and thorough legislative and voter voice and oversight? Money flooded in from private philanthropists and politically charged think tank organizations to finance the legislative passing of the law, but money was not flooded in to supporting its true implementation. As far back as 2007, the Gates and the Eli Broad foundations pledged $60 million to infuse their own “American standards,” into the 2008 campaigns. In 2008, the Gates Foundation awarded the Hunt Institute for Educational Leadership and Policy a $2.2 million “to work with governors and other key stakeholders” to promote the adoption of standards. Hunt and the National Governors Association (NGA) subsequently hosted a symposium to explore education strategies. In that same year, the NGA and the Council of Chief State School Officers and Achieve, Inc. put forth their vision in “Benchmarking for Success,” which was funded by the Gates Foundation.
The NGA wanted to implement its plan rapidly and avoid the tedium of the democratic process. If given the chance, the people, through their elected representatives, might have rejected the NGA’s eventual product. The 2009 stimulus bill provided NGA’s breakthrough. It increased the Education Department’s discretionary spending by 25,500 percent, giving it a fresh pot of money and a means to shape state and local curricula without congressional interference.
In March 2009, one month after passage of the stimulus bill, the Education Department declared a two-part “Race to the Top” national competition to distribute the money, promulgating that a state could not get money unless it signed onto the standards. Cash-strapped states jumped for a share of the $4.35 billion. By June 2009, only Republican Governors Sarah Palin of Alaska and Rick Perry of Texas refused to engage in the grant. Perry claimed that it was “foolish and irresponsible to place our children’s future in the hands of unelected bureaucrats and special interest groups thousands of miles away in Washington, virtually eliminating parents’ participation in their children’s education.”
Regarding New Jersey’s June 16 adoption of the CCSS, Rutgers professor Joseph Rosenstein remarked in Education Week, “Deciding so quickly … is irresponsible.” In 2010, Virginia Gov. Bob McDonnell withdrew from RttT and the CCSS, positing that Virginia’s “standards are much superior” and are “validated”. In 2010, 31 states had adopted them. That number now stands at 45 in 2015. Vermont and Alaska are among the 5 states that elected not to apply for the grant.
The NGA also refused to look at actual costs of adopting the CCSS and RttT requirements, and in their home states, Governors did little to engage in any meaningful or substantive democratic process to tap the knowledge and views of local stake holders, such as parents, teachers and taxpayers. The Gates Foundation has developed new courses with content aligned to the CCSS and has reinvented traditional courses like Algebra 1 and Geometry to the Common Core. With this new initiative, LEAs are required to tie Title I education funds, a dramatically larger sum that few states can do without, to agreement to national standards and tests per the CCSS.
This entire process frustrated LEAs and and has since generated more fiscal problems than academic solutions.
The standards themselves cover fewer topics than what children are learning now. The Gates Foundation explains that “fewer” means “giving students enough academic preparation, without exceeding the math and literacy requirements that evidence demonstrates are necessary to enter two-year colleges.” Yet one must ask, “Who is the Gates Foundation to be driving education policy when the Foundation is not a true expert in the nuanced of teaching and learning?” And to keep the people in line, the NGA ruled that states “may choose to include additional standards beyond the Common Core as long as the the CCSS represents at least 85 percent of the state’s standards in English language arts and mathematics.” Both the federal government and its partnership with private enterprise have stepped far beyond their purview in getting states to take the dangling carrot and rush to implement the standards without considering actual costs to local school budgets.
Furthermore, this process displays great disrespect for the American taxpayer. The discretionary nature of RttT excluded the people’s representatives in Congress from a meaningful decision-making role. Likewise, the short time frame and huge cash incentives were intended to exclude the states from meaningful decision making. What would have the Founders thought of the CCSS’s costs? After all, they came into power as a result of taxation without representation. They considered a great defect of the Articles of Confederation to be, as stated by Alexander Hamilton, “that it never had a ratification by the People.”
Overall, state aid to local school districts in NY is proposed at $21.28 billion for 2014-2015, below the 2009-10 level of $21.35 billion and just above the $21.1 billion in funding for schools in 2008-09. The analysis of state budget cuts to schools also shows that if New York had merely increased state aid by the rate of inflation over five years, districts would have $2 billion more to support students and programs than they have currently. This analysis shows that not only have increases not occurred based on inflation, but no actual non-inflationary additions to the budget have occurred either, leaving almost three quarters of the states’s public schools with a “double deficit.”
The Alliance for Quality Education’s push for a $1.9 billion school aid increase in the upcoming state budget mostly corroborates an Educational Conference Board report that said school districts would need a $1.5 billion state funding increase just to maintain current levels of services. The New York State Council of School Superintendents recently said that 40 districts report they would face fiscal insolvency in less than two years. State Comptroller Thomas DiNapoli noted in a January 14 report that 87 districts are facing fiscal stress, adding state aid in 2011-12 was $8 billion lower than what had been projected by the state in 2008-09 and newer CCSS and APPR costs are adding further burden.
The current version of APPR as adopted by New York State law does not allow for any real types of evaluative flexibility. It requires annual and multiple observations. The previous version of the law allowed for needs-based flexibility in the quantity, frequency, and forms of supervisory and evaluation work. But such flexibility is not being restored despite many position papers and resolutions put forth by districts to NYSED. Allowing bulding leaders to be flexible as to why and who they observe would reduce not only the costs in time and burden of procedure and documentation, but avoid the need to add additional supervisors. Presently, districts can only imperfectly project how much supervisory time will be needed to conduct the extent of evaluations. An unmanageable volume is likely to impact the quality of each observation and evaluation generally.
As with any new system being implemented, change comes with costs to reform a system effectively. Costs of APPR and RttT include providing teachers and principals with substantive preparation and certifying them based on clinical skills and results, providing incentives to Highly Effective teachers and principals to mentor colleagues and transfer to high-need schools, complying with data system requirements, upgrading technology infrastructure (e.g., Internet access, bandwidth, server space, etc.) to accommodate new assessments, purchasing new hardware, software, and licensing agreements, providing training for data teams, providing personnel for tech support, providing training for the use of the new technologies, developing observation and evaluation systems to ensure that every teacher and principal would receive a minimum number of formal observations and an annual evaluation, expanding supervisory resources to ensure that the number of mandated observations and evaluations could be achieved on time, employing legal services to ensure that the new evaluation systems would not only be in compliance with the new education law but could withstand inevitable legal challenges, providing training in the use of the new evaluation systems, training teachers and principals in the use of the new evaluation instruments, and training and certifying district evaluators.

The mounting body of evidence of CCSS’s undemocratically decided costs in New York State is added to by recent court decisions in Washington State and Colorado, which have revealed that adopting CCSS was a process that never took into consideration the overall arching costs compared to the actual grant monies awarded. According to Marc Tucker, the president of the National Center on Education and the Economy, high quality assessment, such as test with writing and analysis components, cost three times more than the standardized multiple choice tests.
LEAs – and not just states – are learning the cost of Common Core is uncommonly high. Districts across the states will spend up to an estimated $10 billion and then as much as $800 million per year for the first seven years that CSS is being implemented. The costs are staggering if all the extra money states collectively spend is in addition to the grant awards. Glyn Wright, an activist from a conservative taxpayer watchdog group known as Eagle Forum, has stated it succinctly: “At a time when many states and school districts are struggling to stay afloat financially, the costs in this massive, unfunded mandate to these states will undoubtedly fall on the backs of the taxpayers.”
Like Wright, other watchdog advocates and elected officials have popped up in the media to voice their concerns over CCSS costs and shifts in power dressed up as financial aid to school districts.
“It’s a fair amount of money given a lot of states signed up without any cost analysis,” Theodor Rebarber, CEO and founder of the nonprofit Accountability Works, which originally sanctioned the study on the projected costs of Common Core, “Just looking at the cost aspect, it was not focused at the time, so a lot of jurisdictions did not realize what would occur down the road.” Rebarber, has since analyzed a study of the CCSS and concluded that the cost aspect was not focused upon by New York state officials. That trend of criticism is growing. Legislators from North Carolina are proposing a national movement for all taxpayers to first turn to those state politicians who literally signed off on RttT without deeply consulting the voice of their constituents. Accountability Works also concluded through its study, that public schools across the nation will require an average of $7 million for technology, $5 million for professional development, $3 billion for textbooks, and $1 billion for assessment testing for the first 7 years of CCSS. These costs dwarf the real life budgets of schools, which are shrinking and getting cut each year as state aid dries up and federal funds are only used for schools with very impoverished populations.
Representative Blaine Luetkemeyer of Missouri declared at a press conference, “When first promoting Common Core State Standards, the Department of Education used a carrot-and-stick approach by awarding grant money and waivers from No Child Left Behind regulations in exchange for adoption of the standards. At a time of economic recession and shrinking state budgets, this federal money enticed the vast majority of states to adopt CCSS and their aligned assessments, often without states being able to fully analyze the future costs of annual testing. I’m afraid the bloom is off the rose as Missouri, and a number of other states, are realizing the new assessments will cost nearly twice as much as the previous state-based tests. Moreover, I am concerned that many of our rural districts will not even have the technological capability required for the new tests, adding even more costs.”
Glyn Wright also had this to say about what local school districts are experiencing before CCSS and through its implementation: “At a time when many states and school districts are struggling to stay afloat financially, the costs in this massive, unfunded mandate to these states will undoubtedly fall on the backs of the taxpayers. Funding aside, none of these estimates take into account the greatest cost to children, parents, and teachers – the massive transfer of power from state and local school systems to faceless, unelected federal bureaucrats.”
Louisiana State Rep representative Cameron Henry last year urged his state’s Gov. Bobby Jindal to stop the state from taking part in the federal standards program. In addition to claiming it eliminates parental involvement and local control, he said the testing, to be conducted in Louisiana and 17 other states by Partnership for Assessment of Readiness for College and Careers, would cost the state too much money. “Like the costs of the Affordable Care Act, Louisiana cannot afford the longterm costs associated with implementing PARCC testing,” Henry wrote. Jindal has since reversed his position on Common Core, telling the Baton Rouge Press Club last month that he supports tough standards, yet the state should leave the door open for a reversal of the state’s decision to participate. “We cannot retreat from rigorous standards,” said Jindal. “However, I am absolutely opposed to any kind of federal takeover of a curriculum or federal government involvement in dictating to us our curriculum.”
Education officials in Maryland estimated that it will require $100 million to upgrade computers statewide to support the frequent testing required by Common Core. Georgia and California are also finding that costs are too high to implement Common Core, with the latter estimated to spend approximately $35 million per year, or about $30 per student, in testing costs alone. Smarter Balanced Consortium, a testing company, has assured states that there are ways to keep testing costs under control. Yet local education agencies claim there is little to no room in their budgets to pay for RttT testing without significantly cutting vital staff and services that, ironically, would increase the chances of children achieving standards through adequate support and reinforcements, such as longer school days, staffing, remedial reading, and tutoring etc.
While the federal government is providing states in their first year of RttT with a total of $350 million in aid to make the transition to Common Core, this is a drop in the bucket compared to the sustainability costs of CCSS, which are estimated by the Brookings Institute to cost somewhere between 10 to 15 times that amount per year. No one is disputing that implementing the Common Core program will cost states more money than originally thought. And these costs are passed onto the taxpayer and parents who support local control of what children are taught. Critics say the program, which now has the full backing of the federal government, amounts to Washington more or less dictating the curriculum while leaving the states to stick the local taxpayers with a much bigger bill to pay for a reality-based implementation of the CCSS.
None of the 45 states participating in Common Core have completely backed out of the program, but measures have been introduced in several Legislatures to do so as a result of cost and loss of local governance. Georgia, Oklahoma and Alabama are among states that are now balking at participating in the testing process. Officials from Pennsylvania have said that they will consider other testing options. This past December, Kansas opted out of using the assessments and opted to commission tests from the University of Kansas instead. Last month the state of Alaska opted to go with testing from the University of Kansas because it was more cost effective.
The notion of a common core may have appeal to many educators who wish for all children to have equal access to h igh quality information, knowledge, and critical thinking skills. It stands to level he playing filed and created equality where not enough exited before. Seeing that the standards of Florida once required a kindergartner to count up to 20 when New York required the same age child to count up to 100 is problematic. But deciding what the standards should be and adequately funding them are components that have completely been missed in the process of developing, implementing, and enforcing the CCSS. Money does not guarantee results, but appropriate funding always statistically increases the changes of achieving those results. In an age that is undergoing great paradigmatic shifts in power and wealth, one is reasonable to suspect that the true burdensome costs of APPR and CCSS were either unintended and overlooked through gross negligence, willful and wanton disregard of the citizenry and taxpayer, or intended to set up the schools as fated and inevitable sites for failure. With the latter, such collapses lead to a one-way street of charter and privatization.
Have the true costs of CCSS and APPR been justified or rectified? Perhaps the biggest reform to the reform movement, which has spawned all of these costs, is “reforming the reform” so that we put equity and equality over achievement. It is far more pragmatic and virtuous to have faith in the process that guarantees true equalization and fortification of resources as the key to student’s academic success and ultimately, a democracy. A virtuous circle of a more educated citizenry who therefore earn more money and therefore consume more goods and services, is the same circle that ends up stimulating and growing the economy. The less educated people are, the lower are their earnings, the less consumption they maintain, and commerce remains stagnant or shrinks. Funding from our federal tax dollars would go a much longer way than leaving the vital core of school budgets for the homeowner to pay when the property tax bill comes due . . . . .
Bibliography
Mitchell, Ken. (Fall, 2012) “Federal Mandates on Local Education: Costs and Consequences – Yes, it’s a Race, but is it in the Right Direction?” Discussion Brief #8 – Center for Research, Regional Education and Outreach, State University of New York at New Paltz. Retrieved on January 18, 2015 from https://www.newpaltz.edu/crreo/brief_8_education.pdf
NYSUT Media Relations. (January 23, 2014) “Report: 69 Percent of School Districts Have Less Than State Aid Than Five years Ago” New York State Union of Teachers. Retrieved on January 18, 2015 from http://www.nysut.org/news/2014/january/report-69-percent-of-school-districts-have-less-state-aid-five-years-ago
McGroarty, Emmet. (February 23, 2011) “Education Revolution . . .Without the People?” Townhall.com. Retrieved on January 17, 2015 from http://townhall.com/columnists/emmetmcgroarty/2011/02/23/education_revolution_without_the_people/page/full
Burke, Lindsey. (February 28, 2011) “State Costs fror Adopting and Implementing the Common Core Standards: National Education Standards and Tests with Big Expense, Little Value” Truth in American Education. Retrieved on January 18, 2015 from http://truthinamericaneducation.com/common-core-state-standards/state-costs-for-adopting-and-implementing-the-common-core-state-standards/
McGroarty, Emmet; Robbins, Jane (May, 2012) “Controlling Educaiton From the Top: Why Common Core is Bad for America” A Pioneer Institute and American Principles Project White Paper, No. 87. Retrieved on January 17, 2015 from http://truthinamericaneducation.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/07/Controlling-Education-From-the-Top-PRINT.pdf
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Robert Rendo: thank you for the article.
I urge others to read it in its entirety.
Inadequate though it most certainly is, I would say about your piece:
[informal summary start]
The “business” of education is too important to be left to those who are “business-minded” because they don’t know the business end of a “red” deficit or a “black” surplus.
And they’re not just numbers- and color-challenged.
The use, misuse and omission of crucial numbers & stats shouldn’t be left to those who with moral deficits, e.g., leaving out something as elementary as the numerical expression of opportunity costs and benefits.
Time to put those for a “better education for all” in charge.
[informal summary end]
Just my dos centavitos worth…
😎
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Normally, I do not write such long comments, but I feel very strongly about how RttT and APPR have been financed. It’s just plain immoral and dishonest to raise the bar and then cut funding. And of course, one controvert if the manner in which the bar has been raised is fair or empirical, but that was only a small part of the point I tried to make.
Thank you, KTA!
Please e-mail me offline at artwork88@aol.com because I have a question for you off-blog.
Thanks,
Robert
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Camins presents one of the most insightful articles on the role of the federal government in education. I believe POTUS is oblivious to the consequences of policies. Does he have any understanding of what all this disruption and market driven policies are doing to the most vulnerable students? The vulture capitalists are exploiting the poor in the name of profit. The gains of privatization are few, and incidents the abuse, fraud and waste are many. Obama’s policies have resulted in more segregation, unemployment of females and minorities, and cronyism. The results are the opposite of what a democracy should offer to its citizens. Obama has traded on students’ humanity and turned them into a commodity! Shame on him!
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There is historical proof that a free market system based on Milton Friedman’s theories that government should be nonexistent in the private sector doesn’t work.
China’s Emperor Wudi (156-97 BC) ruled over a prospering Han Dynasty becasue his government kept a grip on the private sector and its abuses based on greed. After his death, the free market, private sector oligarchs of the Han Dynasty bribed and bought the ministers of the Dynasty to do away with those limitations and that was the beginning of the end of the Han Dynasty.
When Emperor Wu was alive, those oligarchs were too afraid of losing their heads by questioning his wisdom that the private sector had to be watched and limited but when he was gone, that fear went with his death.
Under his leadership, Emperor Wudi vastly increased the authority of the Han Dynasty over the private sector and the empire prospered, but the wealth of China’s few oligarch grew much slower and they hated that because they were greedy and enough was never enough.
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I’m interested in following up on Camins’ actual ideas, but that question hasn’t come up. The glaring thing, to me, is that he never once mentions “technology” and data massive student data bases as a goal of the federal interventions. I would love to ask him to discuss that question.
Camins’ Investing in Innovation grant proposal didn’t directly involve data-driven instruction. He uses the term “personalized” to mean effective personal contact time with students. But many of his proposals for his system-wide professional policies are now lifted, almost word for word, in the current round of flipped and blended learning hucksterism. Digital online learning for direct content instruction is the “personalized learning” factor that’s supposed to free us to “Make Time for What Matters Most”. I’ll post the link to his proposal as a comment, and just include a brief bio here:
http://www.arthurcamins.com/?page_id=5
My question for him is, did you overlook the federal drive for coercive imposition of data systems and online delivery, or are you avoiding it? Your comments might clarify the whole public discussion greatly.
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After all these years, I still don’t know a way to cut-and-paste from a PDF. Camins’ i3 project was funded, for an intervention in the “lowest performing” public schools in Jefferson County, KY. My reading speed and comprehension are literally off the charts, so I have actually read it through. I’d be thrilled if other readers just scanned a few pages.
Click to access u396c100380.pdf
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