Archives for the year of: 2013

This comment from a Puget Sound parent hits the nail on the head about both the strategy and goal of corporate reform. First, create dissatisfaction, then turn us into shoppers, choosing a school while destroying our attachment to our community schools. In time, we discover that it is the school that chooses, not the shopper.

 

One of the objectives of the privatizers is to reinforce the “Mall Mentality” that so many of us just act on, unconsciously. The entire goal is to get us to see education as a “product” to “choose”—like we would with a new pair of sandals at a giant retailer.

What’s MY “return on investment” for MY kid? How come I’m paying for YOU, “teacher”, and I can’t just “can you, like my boss can can ME, anytime, for any reason?”. What am I getting for MY money?”

And the reason that the privatizers are trying to drill this into us with words like “choice” and “investment” and “accountability” is that they realize that community, cooperation and mutual support are CRITICAL if a public school is to survive, let alone thrive.

Privatizers WANT people to be suspicious of the people running their schools and ultra-competitive with each other. They want people looking for advantage and focused exclusively on self-interest, resulting in an obsession with “MY KID!”—and implicitly “NOT YOUR KID!”

Privatizers live for the image of parents bickering, breaking into factions, and running for the exits after they maliciously pay someone to yell “FIRE!” in the equivalent of a very crowded theatre.

Like the crowd during the bank run in “It’s A Wonderful Life”, will we panic and sell out to Potter, “for at least HALF of MY MONEY” or will we stick together, realizing that our strength comes from standing WITH one another, united for ALL of “OUR KIDS”?

A new study of racial segregation in North Carolina shows that 30% of regular public schools are racially imbalanced, but 60% of charter schools are.

These findings echo the work of the UCLA Civil Rights Project, which has found that charter schools are frequently even more segregated than their surrounding district.

In Georgia, there are charter schools that are overwhelmingly white in districts where there are hardly any white students in the public schools. The Pataula Charter in Calhoun County is 75% white, but the local schools are only 2% white.

The first question is whether charter schools will become the new name for segregation academies?

The second question is why our society has turned its back on racial integration?

Wendy Lecker here describes how public schools and charters are judged by different standards in Connecticut.

Part of the hype and spin comes from Connecticut’s State Commissioner of Education, who founded a charter school that is now a “failing” school. (New York State also has a state commissioner who was a co-founder of a “no excuses” charter school, which should be known not for its high test scores but for its high suspension rate.)

At some point, the public will get wise to the games that charter advocates play. Hopefully, that will happen before the charter promoters have managed to wreck public education.

Valerie Strauss notes that Rocketship’s central feature–its Learning Labs, where children are plugged into computers for an hour a day–are not working as planned. Back to the drawing boards.

Nothing wrong with trying new ways to reach goals, nothing wrong with innovation and making mistakes. Nothing wrong with mid-course corrections.

What is wrong is the boasting.

Strauss writes:

The people behind the Rocketship public charter schools — all of them urban, college-preparatory K-5 campuses – have made some pretty big claims for a school network of eight schools (as listed here.) The organization’s website already says it is “the leading public school system for low-income elementary students,” and, that its mission is “toeliminate the achievement gap within our lifetimes.” Danner has said he wants to expand to have enough schools to at some point educate some 1 million students.

;

John Thompson examined the studies comparing the relative cost and benefits of older and younger teachers, and he reads the findings differently from the Education Week reporter.

Here are my thoughts on your question.

These studies had different purposes so, if used properly, they would have different effects on policy discussions. For instance, the North Carolina study investigates, “different responses to pension incentives.” It develops “a conceptual model of teacher retirement behavior and employ(s) a unique data set to estimate the causal effect of pensions on teachers’ exit decisions.” It explains, “Teachers in my sample are in their fifth or higher year of teaching … .”

In other words, it offers no support for reformers seeking to replace veteran teachers with TFAers or other inexperienced teachers in the hope that student performance will increase.

Also, in North Carolina “the most- and least-effective teachers in North Carolina are the first to leave, a new study finds. By six years out, however, more-effective teachers are much more likely to retire than less-effective ones.” So, if we conclude that inexperienced teachers are as effective and cheaper as experienced ones, and keep the buy-outs in perpetuity, what would happen after the least-effective veterans are gone? That question should give pause to “reformers,” who in my experience are committed to driving Baby Boomers out in order to keep young teachers away from our professional judgments, as well as save money.

Secondly, the Los Angeles study found an increase in student performance after retirements and it focused on peer effects and the decision to retire. So, it could be an anomaly (due to that unique retirement law and its effects on one district) or, it could have been the most important study for policy purposes. After all, West Ed had discovered that for every $1,000 cut from per-student spending, teachers in the state were 4 percent more likely to retire. That suggests that conditions inside schools can have a big effect on who takes early retirement, and that has a big effect on whether those early retirees are a valid sample for discussing the effectiveness of teachers.

The LA study found “that the retirement of an additional teacher in the previous year at the same school increases a teacher’s own likelihood of retirement by 1.5-2 percentage points.” It conducted “robustness checks indicate that teachers’ responses to colleagues’ retirements in the previous year are not driven by coordinated retirements of spouses, a subsequent increase in workload or a distaste for working with less experienced teachers.”

But, it did not check for the factors that teachers would cite as likely explanations of variance in who retires and why. After all, we are more likely to throw in the towel after being worn down by the challenges of high-poverty schools and/or mismanagement. So, the chances are that the sample of early retirees was not representative but that the economists did not ask teachers to help design a better methodology for comparing teaching effectiveness.

Thirdly, the Illinois study found that the poorest and lowest-performing schools saw the biggest test-score gains after early retirement. Those results may say a lot about the nature of those schools, but thus say very little about the teaching profession as a whole. The sad truth is that the top talent in the toughest schools tend to be worn down and move to schools that are less maddening. Moreover, low performers tend to be channeled towards low-performing schools.

The question is how these serious problems should be addressed. Some “reformers” want to move teachers around like chess pieces, and they will claim that these articles give support to their top down policies.

I suspect that many relevant findings reflect early retirement packages (especially when they use data back to 1992) being used as a substitute for a lot of missing policies. Yes, low performing teachers were more likely to take the offer, suggesting that they were used in lieu of the dismissing ineffective teachers. The solution to that issue is fair and efficient methods of removing ineffective teachers, as opposed to today’s “teacher quality” gimmicks.

High-performing teachers were also more likely to retire early and that reflects a lack of a career ladder. So, the studies document the need to better capitalize on the strengths of the best teachers. To take a military metaphor, if the best lieutenants kept getting pay raises, but they could not be promoted, they would get better at leading their own platoon, but their wisdom would not affect more than those few soldiers. A better system would be for systems to institutionalize ways of drawing on the experience of top teachers – experience that they are paying for – for setting effective policies.

We should not be like the “reformers” and deny truths such as the reality that “many teachers may feel ‘pulled to stick it out a few more years’ in order to receive their full pension benefits, even if they are no longer interested in teaching.” As one local union leader explained to me, the best tool for removing older, ineffective teachers would be the passage of universal health care. His efforts to counsel out such teachers were undermined by the reality that older persons with health problems are locked into their jobs by the lack of health care options. Similarly, Toledo’s Dal Lawrence describes his decision to fire a friend. His fellow teacher later said that the job’s stress had gotten to him and the union’s dismissal of him through peer review saved his life.

The following may sound like special pleading, and I have less confidence in it, so I would not showcase the following speculation. But, in regard to the Illinois study, in the early 1990s the crack and the murder epidemic were peaking. Their replacements in the mid-1990s entered a profession where NAEP scores were increasing. The same could also be true of the L.A. study which covers the peak of the Clinton economic boom 1998 to 2001. So, the veteran teachers might have seen additional increases in their test score growth if they’d remained during the up years.

My district did early retirements in the “jobless recovery” of the mid-90s. It thus got the budget problems behind it in the least disruptive way. Soon afterwards, test scores increased as Oklahoma City finally got out of our two-decade Great Recession. And, that influences my views on how the studies should be read.

During the 2007 Great Recession, my district rejected the buy-out option. Oklahoma embraced the Colorado teacher evaluation law and Oklahoma City used the SIG and other “reforms” to “exit” veteran teachers who it thus labeled as “culture killers.” In the most notorious example, a Transformation school “exited” 80% of its teachers. Now, 5% of that school’s juniors are on track to graduate. The elementary school that feeds my old school brought in so many young teachers that it made the newspaper because of the rampant fights and chaos that resulted, so that they even had to close the school to get reorganized.

The first step in analyzing the economic studies should be to consider “Rational Expectations.” Why would a talented young person commit to a profession, start a family, and buy a house when he or she would become expendable after their effectiveness peaked? We should also ask what would be more cost effective – periodic buy-outs that we all acknowledge aren’t an optimal approach or the churn of today.

Reformers condemn buy-outs and other practical but unlovely policies as “the status quo.” But, they should honestly face all of the facts and ask whether their policies have been worse than the imperfect ones of the “status quo.” They should not cherry pick economists’ findings. They should do a cost benefit analysis of their theories.

As I argued this week, neither we should not be afraid of admitting hard truths.

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/john-thompson/the-challenge-of-overcomi_b_2521436.html?utm_source=Alert-blogger&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=Email%2BNotifications

We should be transparent when discussing the difficulty in creating learning environments where equally good teachers in rich and poor schools can get equally good results. Especially in the inner city during an age of “accountability,” teachers get burned out. After all, in the inner city the biggest beneficiaries of such policies would not be teachers, as much as the students who are also burned out by our deplorable conditions.

If the evidence shows that teacher effectiveness increases steeply in the first few years and then levels off, why should we feel threatened by that? Isn’t it likely that the same is true of most jobs? Would we get better doctors or better UPS drivers if we started to harass them out of jobs after their first decade or so?

Even President Obama, last week, returned to the position that we can’t balance our budget by reneging on Social Security and Medicare. It is only the contemporary school “reform” movement that argues that teaching is the only profession that would attract more talent if contacts signed in good faith could be torn up at the whim of non-teachers.

And, finally, while pure research may yield information on high- and low-performing teachers, policy should focus on the vast majority in the middle. The ultimate pyrrhic victory is using abusive teacher evaluations the way we are doing now – undermining the entire profession to get rid of low performers.

Bill Gates shared his wisdom about how to solve the world’s biggest problems with readers of the Wall Street Journal. It is likely to encourage the worst instincts of the business world, which needs constantly to be reminded that human needs are more important than profit, and not everything that counts can be measured.

How do does Gates believe the world’s problems can be solved? Measurement!

Even though many researchers have ridiculed his massive investment in measuring teacher effectiveness, Bill doesn’t know it. He still thinks that if you mix a certain proportion of test scores, observations, and student surveys, you can solve the teacher quality problem. And how does he know that the problem is solved? Because test scores went up in Eagle County, Colorado.

If test scores were all there was to measuring education quality, he might have a point. But as Governor Jerry Brown stated so eloquently in his state of the state speech last week, the goal of education is not easily reduced to data.

Brown said:

“In the right order of things, education—the early fashioning of character and the formation of conscience—comes before legislation. Nothing is more determinative of our future than how we teach our children. If we fail at this, we will sow growing social chaos and inequality that no law can rectify. ”

How do you measure the fashioning of character and the formation of conscience?

Governor Brown said:

“The laws that are in fashion demand tightly constrained curricula and reams of accountability data. All the better if it requires quiz-bits of information, regurgitated at regular intervals and stored in vast computers. Performance metrics, of course, are invoked like talismans. Distant authorities crack the whip, demanding quantitative measures and a stark, single number to encapsulate the precise achievement level of every child. We seem to think that education is a thing—like a vaccine—that can be designed from afar and simply injected into our children.”

Which matters most? The young person with high test scores or the young person with character and conscience?

A loyal reader thought about the way that school leaders like Kaya Henderson, Dennis Walcott, and Rahm Emanuel cheer for the side they are NOT in charge of. And he tried to imagine school reform as a basketball game.

Here goes:

The charterites/privatizers love sports analogies. Here’s one for you: you are the owner of a professional sports team, let’s say, basketball. Your main historic rival is in the same state, not far away. You hire a coach who wears that team’s jersey to televised games, refuses to dispute bad calls by the referees that favor your chief rival, and not only keeps urging you to trade away your best players so you can’t compete talentwise, he even publicly berates the outstanding players that insist on remaining [even with pay cuts] which further undermines team cohesion and effectiveness. But you ignore the many fans who can’t understand why you won’t put in a coach who will do a better job against the other team. *What the dummies who pay for season tickets can’t seem to understand is that you would hate to undermine your spouse and the other members of your family who are majority owners of that other team. Yay us!*

Substitute “mayor” for “owner” [same mentalities, though] and “superintendent” for “coach” and you begin to appreciate the dire straits of places like NYC and DC. The people calling the shots and leading the ‘public school’ team are rooting and essentially working for the other team. They aren’t interested in anything resembling a fair competition: it’s not just a hidden thumb on the scale or a little-known law that favors one side over the other, it’s doing so openly without a tinge of embarrassment or a feeling of shame. Just consider this: how can CA have a law on the books that allows astroturf organizations to organize small minorities of parents to turn public schools over to charter operators but not allow even huge majorities of parents to convert a charter into a public school?

I won’t argue that this is a perfect analogy but I would argue that it understates what public school advocates are up against.

A reader, Jill Koyama, calls attention to an important topic:

I actually conducted a 3-year study of private tutoring companies in NYC. Here is the link to my book, Making Failure Pay: For-Profit Tutoring, High-Stakes Testing, and Public Schools, published in 2010 by the University of Chicago Press:

http://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/M/bo8917055.html

D.C. Chancellor Kaya Henderson is determined to close more public schools, which will create larger enrollments for charter schools. As more public schools close, more charter schools open. As more D.C. public schools lose enrollment, the chancellor has more reason to close them.

Henderson claims she will save money by closing underutilized schools, but somehow the savings never materialize. Net-net-net: privatization of the public schools of D.C.

It is a shame that D.C. does not have a chancellor who actually wants to compete with the charter sector, who will fight to improve the public schools and show that they serve their students well.

Competition implies two teams, each promoting their own wares.

In D.C., in New York City, in Chicago, and in other cities and towns controlled by corporate-style reformers, the leaders of the public school system are working on behalf of the competition.

State Senator Barry Finegold has thrown in his lot with the powerful charter school industry.

Some charters get high test scores; some get low test scores.

Some skim off the best students in the poorest communities. Some have few or no disabled students, and few or no ELLs.

What is Senator Finegold doing to support public education, where 90% of the children are enrolled? Does he know that the public schools in Massachusetts will have a disproportionate number of the children with the greatest needs as charters proliferate?

Knowing that Massachusetts is the #1 state in the nation on NAEP, why mess with success?

Please, Senator Finegold, explain your logic. Are you following the ALEC playbook and you don’t know it?