Starting in 2002, the unaccredited Broad Superintendents “Academy” has produced graduates who supposedly learned the management techniques to turn the nation’s schools around. The Academy consists of six weekends over a ten-month session, where aspiring leaders are immersed in Billionaire Eli Broad’s management philosophy, which apparently means top-down mandates, high-stakes testing, close schools with low test scores, and never give evidence of compassion lest it be interpreted as weakness.

While Broad’s destructive ideas were embraced by Arne Duncan and became the cold, hard spirit of Race to the Top, his superintendents have a spotty record. A few, like Chris Cerf in New Jersey and John White in Louisiana, are state superintendents. Some are leading urban districts. None has a record of success, and some have been kicked out by the local citizenry. So dubious is the record that the Broad Foundation stopped printing the annual list of its graduates and their current assignments after the class of 2011. Sharon Higgins, an Oakland parent activist, has been keeping track, however, and here is the list that ends in 2011.

Once again, a Broadie is in hot water. Jersey Jazzman has the story. This one, Penny MacCormack, was chosen by Broadie Chris Cerf to run the excellent Montclair public schools in New Jersey. This was not a failing district by any measure. Every one of its seniors passed the state tests, 90% go to college, and 20% enroll in the nation’s most elite colleges. Yet MacCormack cracked the whip as she learned to at the Broad Academy, demanded more testing, and displayed the art of never listening to staff. Before long, some of the school’s best teachers ran for the exits, and staff morale plummeted.

Montclair parents don’t like what is happening to their high school. They created a Facebook page to register their protests and gathered signatures.

Jersey Jazzman writes:

“I really don’t think I’m overstating the importance of this moment when I say the resistance in Montclair is a turning point in the national story of the breakdown of corporate reform.”

The underlying story here is that the corporate reformers are free to experiment on urban children. After all, they are poor, black, and brown, and no one in a position of authority cares if their parents complain. They are powerless. But the reformers haven’t yet learned that they are supposed to stay out of the suburbs. Suburban parents don’t like all that testing. They like their schools and their teachers. And unlike urban parents, they have political power.