Jennifer Berkshire recently spend ten days in New Orleans, where she attended a research conference about the changes in the schools since Hurricane Katrina, and met with a number of local African-American activists who are disenchanted with the reforms.
These are her reflections, on the gains and losses.
She doesn’t get into the convoluted debate about whether test scores went up. She thinks the data wars are hard to decipher because people are using different standards and benchmarks. In any event, if the scores did go up, there are other issues that may be even more important than test scores.
The parents and advocates she interviewed were all former enthusiasts for the charter revolution.
Part of the “reform” was the wholesale firing of some 7,000 teachers, most of whom were black, who formed the backbone of the city’s middle class. That hurt.
One parent complained that the all-choice system actually disempowered parents. If she complained, she risked being asked to leave the charter school. The schools have more autonomy, but parents have less power.
Berkshire says the charter sector is now consolidating, with chains taking over most of the stand-alone charters, and with the successful charters defined as those that produce the highest scores. Innovation is hard to find. What is common practice is long days, tough discipline, testing, and “no excuses.” One parent lamented that the charter sector thinks that parents and children are problems, not patrons of the schools.
Ignored in the celebratory accounts, she says, is the large number of young people who are not in school and the persistence of poverty and youth violence:
The challenge for architects and advocates of the reform effort here is that, expanded even slightly beyond these narrow metrics, the case that life is improving for the children of New Orleans gets much harder to make. Child poverty stands at 39%, a figure that’s unchanged since Katrina, even though the city is now home to tens of thousands fewer children. Inequality is the second highest in the country, on par with Zambia. And violent crime remains a persistent plague here.
“The measure of the work has to be about how it changes the life outcomes of our children,” says OPEN’s Deirdre Johnson Burel. “If my baby isn’t alive, it doesn’t matter what he got on his ACT. If he’s been divorced from his reality and has no idea who he is, what does it mean that he’s on a college campus, lost and confused?”
Then there are the huge number of young people in New Orleans between the ages of 16 and 24 who are neither in school or working. The recent Measure of America study, conducted by the Social Science Research Council, found that the greater New Orleans/Metarie region is home to more than 26,000 so-called “opportunity youth. The youngest would have been just six when the overhaul of the school system began.
But even this number fails to convey the sheer number of young people here who have left the city’s schools, and are in one of the fast-expanding alternative programs, or are in work-training programs to prepare them for jobs in the tourism and hospitality industry. Added together, the number of students who’ve dropped out of the New Orleans’ schools begins to creep up uncomfortably close to the 43,000 students who are still in them.
Berkshire’s account should be read alongside the inevitable stories about the “New Orleans’ Miracle.” The question is: a “miracle” for whom?

New Orleans is tough because if you’re fair I think you have to admit you don’t know what might have happened with a huge federal investment in the existing public schools without this specific version of reform. Arguably they could have done something different with those kinds of “inputs” and seen equal or better “outputs”.
I know Duncan likes to talk about plus/and rather than either/or but that’s not reality.
Most decisions exclude or limit different decisions. One just doesn’t keep the whole field of possible approaches open indefinitely. The decision to invest in charters made some other decisions or approaches impossible. One decision leads to the next. That’s just reality. Even if they are “agnostics” on public v charter (which I have trouble believing) it is a fantasy to pretend that they aren’t “choosing” one system over another. Yes, they are. If they aren’t doing it overtly they’re doing it by default.
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“Even if they are ‘agnostics’ on public v charter (which I have trouble believing) it is a fantasy to pretend that they aren’t ‘choosing’ one system over another. Yes, they are. If they aren’t doing it overtly they’re doing it by default.”
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The “they” in those three sentences is most certainly not the parents, students, and taxpaying citizens of New Orleans. “They” had no power to do any “choosing” any of this Friedman, free market garbage.
In regards to those parents, students and tax-paying citizens, “they” had this new corporate system shoved down their throats whether “they” wanted it or not… because the other side was able to exploit a natural disaster to impose this system, whether anyone else wanted it or not.
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I’m sorry- I was unclear. I know the parents and local residents didn’t decide on the system in New Orleans.
My point was the decision by ed reform leaders in to focus in one area (charters) WAS a decision not to focus in another (public schools). They chose. They can say they didn’t but that’s a fiction. A priority is a choice.
That’s particularly true is we’re talking about the fired teachers- the 7000 New Orleans public school teachers worked PRIOR to the huge funding influx in New Orleans. I don’t know what they might have accomplished given that funding. No one does.
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Chiara: measured and first-rate.
Thank you so much for your comments.
This line of the posting especially caught my eye: “The parents and advocates she interviewed were all former enthusiasts for the charter revolution.”
That alone speaks volumes about the true nature of self-styled “education reform.”
But I can already anticipate—pardon, that is out of place, because I’ve seen it so often on threads on this blog so this is just a reminder—what the pushers of rheephorm eduproducts will throw in our faces:
“Anecdotes are not the plural of data” or something similar. So the lives of these parents and their children and their communities are ignored and held in contempt. Excepting, of course, glowing reports of a charter or charter chain or paeans of praise for the likes of the “underpaid” Eva Moskowitz or the “heroic” Michelle Rhee or the “unappreciated” billionaire philanthropist Bill Gates et alia. That’s not “anecdotal”—rather gold, pure unadulterated gold, to be taken in without question.
Keep writing. I’ll keep reading.
😎
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I keep hearing how they’re interested in getting more community input into these decisions but I see no evidence of that.
They just took over Youngstown schools with an amendment tacked onto a budget bill that passed with no debate at all. The director of the Ohio Department of Education was in on it, yet never mentioned the plan to the residents of Youngstown, Ohio when he was meeting with them. The decision to take over their schools was made without the people who live there. It was made in Columbus by people who will never attend or work in those schools. That just happened. Ten years after they did the same thing in New Orleans.
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My favorite New Orleans “miracle” story is about corporate reform privatization forcing New Orleans kids to commute miles to go to their school. In the post-Katrina era, then CEO Paul Vallas led charterization and privatization of the New Orleans school district, causing kids to commute several miles to get to the school to which that child was assigned.
Vallas was called to explain this and defend to the New Orleans city council. When one of the councilman criticized him on this, Vallas throw a total tantrum, captured for posterity in a video:
“Vallas flips out!” is the title
BACKGROUND: the last part of the video —
01:07 – 01:49
is actually what happened first in the chronology.
It shows what made Vallas flip out. A city official
questions Vallas and asks what percentage of
students now no longer could walk to school,
and had to be bussed far away—as a result of:
1) Vallas closing all the neighborhood
schools and replacing them with charters;
and
2) that he’s been blocking any and all
funding for construction of new buildings,
or refurbishing existing school buildings,
which would allow kids to attend a school
close enough to walk to.
Having established that, the guy calmly
and repeatedly asks Vallas what
percentage of students are now being
bussed, and Vallas won’t answer.
Finally, Vallas concedes that 90% of the
students now can no longer walk to
school, and have to be bussed.
The guy calmly says, “End of discussion.
No excuse for that.”
That’s when Vallas goes off, and that is
what takes place in the first part of the video:
00:03 – 01:03
Watch it again:
00:03 – 01:03
Vallas indeed loses it, screaming like an
egomaniacal banshee about the above
criticisms, “given my record of
accomplishment over the years.” He says
he’s not authorizing any funding to build
new schools, and thus, cut down on
kids having to commute… because
of the “crappy jobs” (tsk, tsk… potty mouth)
that the architects in New Orleans have
done in the past school construction
and renovation.
He then lies about having improved
achievement at every level (New Orleans
schools are ranked dead last—70th out of
70 Louisiana school districts).
Vallas says that he people complaining
about Vallas’ not funding the rehabbing
old school buildings, or the building of
new buildings are just “trying to block
that process” of privatization and
charterization that he has
“accomplished.”
Vallas concludes his tirade with: “I’LL
BE DAMNED IF I’M GOING TO ALLOW
ANYONE BLOCK THAT PROCESS
(of privatization)!!!!”
And then he storms off like a petulant
child, thereby refusing any other tough
questions he might have been asked.
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